Dr Rob Brooks (21 June 1945 - 19 March 2013 (aged 67))

This is the third quarterly Newsletter of the High Country History Group. We have now set the programme for the next nine months. At the outset of the Group in April, the undertaking was to offer four talks, two walks or activities and a local visit. By March 2001, this will have been exceeded, the bonus being the Annual General Meeting!

The Committee intend to keep the programme of talks relevant, interesting and varied. Broadly, themes that are pursued will include buildings, places, social themes, people and aspects of planning, conservation and archiving. These themes are reflected in the programme. The Committee hopes to combine the AGM with a Members Evening, the form of which has still to be decided.

Another Summer Walk within the High Country is planned. There are opportunities for interesting local visits, both inside and outside the High Country. An outside visit to Hatfield Broad Oak will take place in June, and there will be more about the reasons for visiting Hatfield Broad Oak in a later newsletter.

Happy New Year! Towards the end of the group’s second year, one landmark has been passed. The membership of the group now stands at 41 family members and 22 individual members. That makes a minimum of 104 members. Membership has been growing steadily throughout the past year. More importantly, the number of members participating in the activities of the group has also increased. Attendances at the last four meetings have averaged around fifty, and visits usually attract about 24 members. Above all, the activities of the group must provide benefit and enjoyment for all. Encouraging attendances appear to bear this out.

A programme for the next fifteen months has been arranged, with just one date to be finalised. A full programme for the year 2002/03 will be published before the Annual General Meeting.

Appropriately, in the next year, the year of the Queen’s Golden Jubilee, three of our events relate to recent history. The Annual General Meeting will have a 1950’s theme and members will be asked to participate! A visit has been arranged to the North Weald Aviation Museum, and a talk will describe World War II Defences in Essex. OK, so we’ll have to dip into the 1940’s as well . . . Other talks will present the Romans in Essex, Memorials of the High Country and Historic Forests of Essex. We’ll visit “Mashams” and the Police Museum in Chelmsford. In all an increase of one in the year’s activities is planned for next year. Please see the “Dates for Your Diary” in this newsletter for the activities, which have been planned for the next six months.

Romans in Essex? Colchester comes to mind immediately, but Roman occupation had been widespread. There is evidence that Harlow was a religious and trading centre of local importance before the arrival of the Romans. Although there is little evidence of actual settlement, a small hill, known as Stanegrove, within the flood plain of the River Stort, appears to have been used for religious ceremonies.

After AD 43, Harlow found itself within the triangle formed by the Roman roads of Stane Street, Ermine Street and the military road linking London and Colchester. Settlement during the Roman period is demonstrated by the discovery of two villas within the boundary of modern Harlow. In 1940, an enemy bomb ‘excavated’ another villa. The site of Stanegrove developed as a venerated centre and around AD 80 a Roman temple was built there of flint and mortar. The temple was extended over the next century, eventually falling into decay around AD 400¹.

Are the hops in a Greensted hedgerow evidence of some Roman settlement?

On 17 July, members of the High Country History Group visited Ongar Park Wood. The weather was dull, hard to remember now in a late summer of so many warm, sunny evenings. Our guide was Peter Moring, Peter and Clare Moring having bought the neighbouring wood, High Wood, in 1999. High Wood and Ongar Park Wood show many ancient and interesting features relating to the history of the local landscape.

In High Wood there are three dominant species of trees – hornbeam, oak and silver birch, with the occasional holly, horse chestnut and wild cherry interspersed. Until the Second World War the wood appears to have been managed as hornbeam coppice¹, but then coppicing stopped. Oaks were felled during the same period but were not replaced. A result of this felling was that two clearings were established within the wood.

Hornbeam, a very hard wood with a tendency to split but with a high calorific value, would have been used both for fuel and for the production of charcoal. The hamlet adjacent to the wood to the south is called Colliers Hatch, after charcoal burners who were also called wood colliers. The charcoal was used in local brickyards, of which there were a number in the vicinity. A brick and tile works is recorded on the Ordnance Survey map of 1881 on the site of the present Carisbrooke Farm.

The by-way to the west of High Wood is believed to have been part of an old droving road along which cattle and sheep would have been driven to market. The track is about 30m wide, but at one point it broadens, possibly so that animals could be penned to allow them feed and rest overnight. The by-way supports many gnarled trees with roots marooned, suspended above the eroded banks. Evidence of at least one sawpit, a further lasting witness of man’s earlier endeavours, can be seen.

¹ Coppicing is the management practice of felling trees near to the ground and allowing the new shoots to grow. In most cases the shoots need to be protected from the deer. Mature poles are cut in a coppice rotation to produce poles of just the required size.

The Deer Park

The substantial bank separating High Wood, to the west, and Ongar Park Wood, to the east, is a visible survival of a medieval deer park. The deer park has the distinction of being the earliest recorded within England, the reference dating from 1045 when a will² mentioned “a wood . . . outside the deerhay”. The Anglo-Saxon word deerhage can be interpreted either as a hedge to keep deer in or as a hedge used to catch them! The reference in the will offers unique, but still tenuous, evidence of a continuity between Anglo-Saxon and Norman deer parks. Some controversy still follows the precise meaning of hay.

The bank is still massive, and although substantially eroded we can still speculate on its original size and shape. To retain the deer, the bank would have been topped with brushwood or palings. The deer park extended from this visible bank, past the water tower in Toot Hill, along the side of the small wood known as Miller’s Grove, near to the former Blake Hall Station, to the A414 at Tylers Green, then along the southern boundary of North Weald to Carisbrooke Farm, again to join the visible bank approaching Colliers Hatch. This is a distance of approximately 5 miles and encloses an area of around 1,200 acres. Bank construction would have been a formidable undertaking with only personal tools and scarce labour. This labour may have been exchanged for common rights to some of the benefits of the park. In addition, maintenance of a paling fence would have absorbed considerable funds. Apart from its functional use, there is little doubt that such a park would have provided a recognisable landmark to display the power and wealth of the owner³.

Little Domesday, the later addition to Domesday covering East Anglia, refers to both park (parc) and hay. Both words may both refer to deer park, in which case the number of deer parks in Domesday will have been underestimated. It is often commented that Domesday mentions 35 deer parks but Ongar Park is not one of these, the only park in Essex mentioned being at Rayleigh⁴. This probably means that the deer park was not always recorded anyway in Domesday, rather than suggesting any demise associated with the sturdy structure of Ongar Park.

The park may have been enclosed wood-pasture, grassland surrounding pollarded⁵, wooded areas, providing cover for the deer. Alternatively, it may have been compartmental, with wooded areas being separated from the grassland by banks internal to the boundary and there is some evidence to suggest this in Ongar Park. Trees within these compartments could then be coppiced with the banks helping to exclude the deer from the new shoots of the coppice. Rackham states that some internal coppice banks may still be visible within Ongar Park⁶.

² Kerr, Sandra, Ongar Great Park, in ‘Aspects of the History of Ongar’, (Ongar Millennium Group 1990), p6-7.
³ However your own gallows would have proved that you also had influence!
⁴ Darby, H.C., The Domesday Geography of Eastern England, (Cambridge, 1952), p 234.
⁵ Pollarding is the technique of cutting branches at a height of ten feet from the ground. New branches would be allowed to grow out of harm from the deer.
⁶ Rackham, Oliver, The History of the Countryside, (London, 1986), p 126.

The Deer

At the time of the Norman Conquest, deer would have been restricted to red deer and roe deer. It was only in the twelfth century that fallow deer were introduced into England by the Normans. More manageable than the roe deer, the behaviour of the fallow deer encouraged the construction of new parks. These new parks confirmed the increasing wealth of landowners. The deer park provided the landowner with a convenient supply of meat, the venison being much prized. Sometimes said to be beyond price, the meat appears to have been reserved only for the feast. Ongar Park was probably large enough to support hunting the deer, the hunting probably carried out using specially bred dogs. The park appears to have been one of the largest, certainly large enough to support a herd of hundreds of deer.

Deer were encouraged to enter but deterred from leaving the park by a deer leap, an external ramp and an internal pit at a break in the boundary bank. William I and his Norman followers put great store on their right to unrestricted hunting. With the introduction of the Norman Forest Laws, laws that provided almost total protection for the deer within designated areas called Royal Forests⁷, the establishment of the deer park in or close to the Royal Forest was subject to licence. The deer leap was also strictly controlled within and near to the Royal Forest, but Ongar Park was permitted to install two such leaps⁸.

Over one quarter of the country, all deer effectively belonged to the king. The deer were often the gift of the king who would sometimes generously donate them towards the stocking of a new park.

⁷ The use of the term Royal Forest does not imply forest or woodland, but simply refers to those areas within the jurisdiction of the Forest Laws. It is believed that Essex was wholly a Royal Forest at one time.

Essex Deer Parks

The number of deer parks grew in the twelfth century, aided by the arrival of the fallow deer. It has been estimated that in 1300 there were between 1,800 and 3,000 deer parks in the country. Some of these are well documented because of the need for a licence. Cantor⁸ has provided a methodical list of about 1,900 parks, listed by county and noting early references to the existence of a park. According to Cantor, Essex contained 102 parks at this time, with possible sites for a further six parks also being listed. How many of these were distinct parks is a subject for conjecture since there is usually no reference to the actual location of the park, but only to the landowners. More recently, Hunter⁹ has stated that 160 existed at this time in Essex, more than in any other county except Hertfordshire.

Cantor provides early references to these parks and to find them we must search in the documents recording the proceedings of state – the Calendar of Patent Rolls and the Calendar of Close Rolls, for example. Local medieval parks listed include those at Aythorpe Roding, Berners Roding, Doddinghurst, High Ongar, Matching, Stondon Massey, and Theydon Garnon and two in Writtle. Within the High Country, parks are listed under Chipping Ongar, Stanford Rivers and Stapleford Tawney. However, it seems likely that the first two of these refer to the same park.

⁸ Cantor, Leonard, The Medieval Deer Parks of England, (Loughborough University of Technology, 1983).
⁹ Hunter, John, The Essex Landscape: A Study of its Form and History, (Essex Record Office, 1999), p119.

Regeneration of High Wood

High Wood has not been managed for more than 50 years. The results of this can be seen; un-coppiced hornbeams have created a dense canopy under which few woodland plants grow; bracken has invaded clearings; the pond has become stagnant; silver birch has become established in some areas, competing with hornbeam and oak; the bridleway has become deeply rutted, partly as a consequence of shading which prevents the path from drying out. Peter Moring intends to introduce a management plan to restore the wood to its earlier state; some hornbeam will be felled; the elimination of the bracken from the clearing has been started; the pond will be cleaned; oak will be reintroduced to the new clearings; the local council has introduced restrictions to bridleway entry and shading trees are being cut down.

A plan has been drawn up for the management of High Wood. With the re-introduction of felling, the plan is intended to restore some of the features of a managed wood. These will increase the environmental richness and the attraction of this small wood. The future of High Wood looks brighter!

Draper’s Corner is a small grassy triangle at the junction of Greensted Road and the continuation of Mutton Row, Stanford Rivers; walk out of the old Drill House, turn right and a short walk would lead to the corner. The oak tree that had resided there for more than a century was wrenched from the ground on the night of Thursday, 14 June 2012. The combined ivy cover, rain that had both weighed on the tree and had weakened the security of the roots, and a gust of a freakish wind that night had conspired in its destruction. It fell neatly onto the small triangle, avoiding an enforced closure of the road, and missing the new signpost at the corner.

Who was Draper? There has been local debate about the name of Draper. Draper is alleged to have been a sheep stealer. His crime may have been created through a simple association with Mutton Row, the narrow lane that leads to St Margaret’s, Stanford Rivers. Further, it is suggested that Draper was hanged for his crime from an oak tree, but despite some thorough searches of records of criminal trials, no supporting evidence has yet been discovered of the actual sentence of capital punishment.

But some years ago two local boys, teenagers, were returning home from Greensted Green. It was February and dark, if I recall correctly. They had cycled past the tree and under its branches before they arrived home, perhaps 400 metres away. They were distressed, and of an age when they should not expect to be. They described something hanging from the tree – similar in size to a body. The mother of one of the boys, impressed by their story, contacted the police, who did check out the tree perhaps with little conviction. No hanging body was seen.

To my knowledge no further observations have caused similar consternation. I am not a ghost hunter and am usually sceptical, but respectful, of such experiences like that of the boys and Draper. However, driving home in the dark, returning from work, the day after the sighting and unavoidably approaching Draper’s old oak tree, the hairs on the back of the neck briefly rose in expectation!

Greensted Hall,
Ongar, Essex
March 1913

Dear Sir (or Madam)

We venture to ask for your support as a neighbour on the occasion of the 900th anniversary of the foundation of Greensted Church. A brief history of the Church, which is probably well known to you, is set out overleaf. It is the desire of the Parishioners to commemorate worthily this historic event in the Church life of Essex. An open air service will be held on the afternoon of St Alban’s Day, June 17th, when the Bishop of the Diocese has promised to attend and preach the sermon. Your presence is cordially invited. It is further proposed to do something towards the decorative enrichment of the interior of the Church, and in particular to place a dossal and hangings at the east end, to restore the stained glass and to erect a tablet commemorating the event. It is estimated that the cost of these and other improvements will be at least £100. The parishioners who number only 92 have guaranteed £40, but inasmuch as large numbers constantly visit the Church from all parts of the County, we venture to appeal to you for a subscription. Any sums may be sent to the Treasurer of the Commemoration fund. Howel J. J. Price, Esq, Greensted, Hall, Ongar, Essex, or paid direct to Messrs, Barclays Bank, at Ongar, and will b gratefully acknowledged.

Yours faithfully,
G. B. Atkinson, Rector
Howel J. J. Price
G. N. Hoare, Churchwardens

The above is taken from a printed four-page document outlining an appeal for funds for the Church. The first page carries a photo’ image of Greensted Church and refers to the 900th Anniversary Celebration. The second page, copied above, carries an open letter requesting subscriptions, and headed 900th Anniversary Commemoration. (I am sure that most readers will know that a ‘dossal’ is an ornamental cloth, usually embroidered, hung at the back of the altar or at the sides of the chancel.) The final page, again repeated below, lists the named subscribers.

The following sums have been guaranteed

£ s. d.
Howel J. J. Price, Esq, and Mrs. Price 10 0 0
Rev. A. G. B. Atkinson 5 0 0
G. N. Hoare, Esq, and Mrs Hoare 5 0 0
E. Heron-Maxwell, Esq, and Mrs. Maxwell 5 0 0
H. G. Garrett, Esq 5 0 0
The Misses Price 5 0 0
The Rev R. D. Budworth and Mrs. Heales 5 0 0

Why the timing of the anniversary? 1913? How precise! On page three of the appeal, an article, written by the Rector. The Rev Atkinson justifies the date of the anniversary. The article is entitled The Last Wooden Church and is reprinted from the Daily News of January 8th, 1913. The justification is well known, as follows:

“The Martyred King – . . . The accredited tradition connects the foundation of the church with the history of St Edmund, the martyred King of East Anglia, who was murdered by the Danes in 870 A.D., in the 29th year of his age. The life and death of this King formed the theme for the songs of many Early English chroniclers. When the Saints body was brought from London to Edmundsbury in 1013, a temporary resting-place was afforded the remains at Greensted where the monks hastily erected a wooden chapel to give them shelter. The ancient road from London into Suffolk lay through Abridge, Stapleford, Greensted, and Dunmow, and this would be the route by which the body of the King was translated.

There is much, however, to suggest that the fabric is of still older date . . . . ”

As it stands there are inconsistencies in the story. The association of Greensted Church with St Edmund was proposed centuries after the murder of Edmund and even considerably later than the ‘foundation’ of Greensted Church in 1013.

Further, it is now known, from the recent application of techniques using dendrochronology applied to the Church timbers, that the origin of the existing Church must be revised. By their nature the dendro’ techniques tend to provide a date range rather than a precise date, and there will generally be a spread of possible ‘foundation’ dates. The current date is likely to be around the middle of the eleventh century. This again is some years later than the ‘foundation’ date assumed by Reverend Atkinson. The conclusion is that the Anglo-Saxon Church of Greensted could well be Norman!

A further inconsistency arises from the dedication of the Church. With an assumed strong association of the Church from King Edmund, it might be expected that the Church would be dedicated to St Edmund. However, the dedication is to St Andrew.

A possible solution to the problem is to assume that there was a church on the site that pre-dated the existing church. That church was dedicated to St Andrew. A new church, possibly replacing a similar wooden structure, was built at a date consistent with the dating analysis. Indeed, limited archaeological investigation of the Church has discovered post-holes indicating the presence of an earlier building on the site. The dimensions of these post-holes would suggest a smaller building than the present Church.

However, well done the Reverend Atkinson for spotting the opportunity to raise funds to enhance the fabric of the Church!

The story of Piggott Brothers adventure into powered flight has already been recorded in this journal. A company that had enjoyed such a long history needed to continue to be innovative to prosper. George Bromley, of Stanford Rivers, related to me the story one example of this forward-looking approach. George further credits Bob Littler as the source of the tale.

Before the Second World War Piggotts made display fireworks at their premises, the old workhouse in Stanford Rivers, and the idea occurred that these fireworks could be used in some search and rescue missions. Rockets could possibly be used to carry a line to the shore from a vessel heading towards rocks, with the initial line being used to draw a heavier line subsequently maybe. Piggotts set about the task and a large rocket was designed and built with the broad shape looking much like the usual rocket with a. stick for stabilisation.

Now Piggotts were a commercial, cost-conscious company, a business philosophy that had ensured their long-term survival, but perhaps the trials of the rocket were financed at the niggardly end of their project expenditures. Indeed, maybe events would later prove that there were no proper proving trials. Nevertheless in due course, a group of ‘dignitaries’, believed to be military personnel, were invited to attend a trial of the rocket on a four-acre field behind the workhouse. A tent was erected to provide shelter for the group, yet still enable sight of the rocket launch and flight.

The rocket, now a safe distance from the tent, rested in a cradle pointing gently skywards. The line or thin rope that the rocket was to carry was carefully attached to the rocket and coiled a few yards (the old measures being more appropriate here) behind the rocket cradle. It was a late enhancement to introduce a standard tin bath into the system. Unsophisticated, the bath was of the sort that would have been in contemporary use as a family tub on a Friday night. It was hoped that the bath would facilitate the uncoiling of the rope ensuring a flight free of impediment. As convention, the bath was equipped with protruding handles for easy portability when not filled with water as on a Friday.

Was the bath perhaps a feature dictated by considerations of health and safety? In the actual demonstration, the rope was carefully coiled in the bath. It is not known whether this improvement was the subject of any specific testing; probably not, you might later conclude, but it is important to realise that the handles had not been removed and remained prominently on the rim of the bath.

After the lighting of the blue touch paper, or whatever ignition method was used, the rocket took off without a hitch. It is understood that when the rocket was at a height of about 50 feet and downrange about 150 feet, the line snagged on one of the handles of the bath. The forward momentum of the rocket was suddenly and effectively curtailed. Not permitted to follow its intended direction, the rocket searched around for an alternative. Most convenient, from the point of view of the rocket, was to head back to the launch pad. This was in fact the path that the vehicle selected from the limited set of alternatives available.

It would have been immediately realised by the company present that this route back to the launch area also coincided with the route to the tent. The return of the rocket would have been quicker than that of the outward journey since the rocket would not have been pulling the full length of the line, and it would have been lighter with some fuel now spent. Alarm bells rang but time was short! Spectators, restricted within the confines of the tent walls, probably panicked, quite understandably since the rocket heading towards them was large, fast and by this time, hotter than it was a few moments previously.

In England, the medieval deer park provided a visible demonstration of the wealth of a lord. The park allowed the owner the opportunity to hunt and provided him with a managed supply of fresh venison. The park was a partially wooded area, enclosed by a banked and ‘paled’ boundary of height sufficient to contain the deer. The size of such a park would vary from a few acres to more than a thousand acres. The construction of the park would have required considerable investment of both labour and materials, and the upkeep of the pale would have involved significant running costs. The most notable local example of such a deer park, and the earliest recorded in England, is thought to have been the Anglo-Saxon Ongar Great Park.

Thirty-seven such parks are mentioned in Domesday, but by 1300, there were probably around 160 deer parks in Essex alone, out of a national total of maybe more than 3,200. This figure is arrived at through careful research into medieval documentary sources and listing the location of such parks where known.

Amongst these early records, the first reference to a park in Stapleford Tawney occurs in 1286. Thomas de Weylaund obtained a licence to empark within two small woods. From Westminster, Edward I is recorded as granting a licence on 29 April 1286:

Licence, after inquisition ad quod damnum by Roger le Strange, justice of the forest this side of the Trent, for Thomas de Weylaund to enclose and impark two groves in Chigenhale, Tany and Wytele, containing 14 acres, and 6 acres within the bounds of the Forest of Essex.

As stated, this is confusing. The parishes of Writtle and Chignal do have a common boundary, but the acreages cannot be readily identified with their locations. Nevertheless, it does appear that there was a deer park in Stapleford Tawney.

Now the pursuit of further references to the Tany deer park takes a sharp turn and Thomas de Weylaund comes into focus.

In a further reference, from the same volume of state papers, it is recorded, on 23 June 1288, from Edward I again from Westminster, that:

Commission to Thomas de Weylaund, John de Luvetot, John de Cobeham and including Ralph de Sandwich, keeper of the City of London, on complaint by many of the inhabitants that they are annoyed by the lime-kilns in the said city and suburb at Suthwerk, wherein the lime was formerly burnt by logs of wood is now burnt by sea-coal, so that the air is infected and corrupted, to view the same in conjunction with the sheriffs of London and bailiff of Southward to provide remedies.

How enlightened! Thomas is appointed to a four-man commission, the purpose of which is to examine the environmental consequences of using sea-coal instead of wood for burning lime. The commission is to ‘provide remedies’.

Thomas was a man of substance. His family background and his education had earned him respect. He was trained as a clerk and became a subdeacon. He was made a justice itinerant in Essex and Hertfordshire in the period 1271 to 1272. In 1278, he was appointed chief justice at the Westminster bench, but during the next eleven years it is recorded that ‘he showed great activity in the administration of the law, but neglected no opportunity of furthering his own interest and building up a great landed estate’. Thomas exceeded his powers during the Edward’s absence from the country in the years 1286 to 1289. During this period he bought a number of properties and estates in Gloucestershire, Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex, spending about £150 per year on these acquisitions.

Edward I returned in August 1289 to receive widespread criticism of the behaviour of the judiciary. In taking steps to restore confidence Thomas was the first in line. Two of his servants had committed a murder at a local fair and Thomas had failed to have them arrested, though he was aware of their involvement.

He was indicted but escaped before arrest. He fled to sanctuary in the Franciscan priory of Babwell just outside of Bury St Edmunds. Sir Robert Malet was sent to apprehend Thomas. Forty days were allowed for the fugitive to be given up; after such a period, with Thomas still in the convent, Malet resolved to starve him out. The application of such harsh measures and the fact that Thomas was a subdeacon caused friction between king and clergy, who claimed immunity for the beleaguered Thomas. The king confiscated his lands and appointed a new chief justice.

Unsurprisingly, Thomas de Weylaund was duly starved out but earned safe conduct to the Tower. There, Thomas was offered a choice of three options: to stand trial, to endure perpetual imprisonment or to abjure the realm. With further dark clouds threatening, as a result of other misdemeanours, he chose to abjure the realm; not only would he be banished for ever, he would also renounce his property within England and Ireland.

He was allowed 9 days to reach Dover on foot. There his life and liberty were exchanged for a confession. Thomas de Weylaund embarked, bare-footed, head uncovered and cross in hand. His wife, Margaret, and her son were permitted to benefit from his property only after considerable legal process and rather against the intention of abjuration.

In 1292, Thomas was living in Paris. Around 1297, he was pardoned by Edward I and returned to live in his wife’s manor at Brundon, now in Suffolk.

Now where was the park at Stapleford Tawney?

As it appeared that all records from the Piggott Brothers long history had been lost or destroyed, it was a surprise to come across a sales catalogue of the company among other items. The catalogue is hardbound in a red cover. It is undated, although the dates of the complimentary letters and news of exhibition medals, which are included, would seem to indicate a date of about 1888. The volume runs to 263 pages. It is divided into the various business interests of the company; marquees and tents; camping equipment; harness and saddlery; flags and banners; gymnastics and sports.

Before Piggotts’ moved to Stanford Rivers, they occupied the address 57, 58, & 59, Bishopsgate Street, Without, London. The company also owned store facilities in Plough Yard, Shoreditch, and a factory in Spitalfields. The proximity of the showroom to Liverpool Street Station allowed the company to sell a wide range of goods matched to a prosperous clientele drawn from London and the commuters and railway travellers of the period. The list of prestigious customers conveys a snapshot of European royalty in the late nineteenth century with Her Majesty the Queen of England and Empress of India, His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Germany, His Imperial Majesty the Sultan of Turkey, and His Serene Highness the Khedive of Egypt mentioned among others.

In printed testimonials, customers expressed their satisfaction, but the tributes also give some idea of the range of the business at that time. From testimonials, we read from the Blackbum Corporation; “I have much pleasure in stating that the large Marquee and Grand Stand, to seat 5,000 persons, erected by you …. on the occasion of the visit of their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Wales …. was carried out to the entire satisfaction of the Committee. I may also add that the Princess commented favourably upon its splendid appearance.” A William Boyce comments; “Did people but know the saving in houschold labour that is gained by using your Tents, there is no one, I feel certain, but would use them for dancing &c., in preference to their drawing rooms.” Robert Overman, referring to the “civil and respectable conduct of your [Piggotts’] servants” adds “1 regret that I cannot call them by their names, and all that they did for us on your behalf might be equalled, but not surpassed.”

From the above it may be deduced that the main business of the company was the sale and hire of tents. Indeed, the catalogue illustrates and provides prices for tents in a large number of designs in a range of sizes. The ‘Mildmay Tent’, supplied to and used by the Emperor William II of Germany, was for both “Camping and Sporting purposes” and at a price of £21 was of superior quality. No doubt more aptly named. was the ‘Boating or Canoeing Tent’ the Gipsy or Emigrant’s Tent’, the ‘Prospecting or Engineer’s Tent’, and the decorative ‘Bathing Tent’, of course. “The Czarina Tent’ must have appeared a little racy in red and white stripes, but there might have been little call for the seemingly elaborate ‘Crusader Tent’, “supported on lances of the early period”!

Most interesting is ‘The Expanding Balloon Tent” (figure I). Although we are now familiar with such tents, it is perhaps a surprise to find such tents on sale so long ago. A statement that English and Foreign patents had been granted to a Captain in the Royal Navy would suggest that this tent was a recent innovation. For a price of less than £10, a tent of diameter 10ft. could be bought. Among the advantages listed, the tent is stated to be light-tight and “perfect for Photographic Development”.

As already noted, Piggotts’ sold other goods apart from tents and camping equipment. Sports goods appeared fully in their catalogue. Six years after the Australian victory at the Oval, after which the tradition of the Ashes was atarted, England cricketers despite the presence of W. G. Grace were still having a hard time against the Australians. For their part, Piggotts’ satisfied all cricket requirements with bats and batting gloves, cricket nets and cricket “telegraphs” (better known now as scoreboards) down to boxwood mallets. John Wisden’s ‘Cricketers Almanack’ could be bought for one shilling (5p.) – copies in good condition from that era now sell for more than £1,000! Cricket sets for women could also be purchased.

Football, a game still in its relative infancy, had just staged the first FA Cup – won by Preston North End who in so doing completed the Cup and League double. Piggotts’ offered football shirts, ‘knickers’, ankle guards and boots, apparently “very light, and [which] do not in the slightest degree interfere with the free action of the foot” (figure 2). A fashionable line in ‘striped German Jerseys’ also sold in a ‘slender fitting’ at 2s. 9d .. The “Challenge Football’ is “the most perfect ball ever introduced” and the ball “will outlast three ordinary balls, and will not lose shape or increase in weight in wet weather”. It cost just 13s. 6d .. The ball had apparently been used in three recent. important football matches played at the Oval.

The first of the modern Olympic Games were still eight years away. but twenty-four pages of the catalogue are devoted to gymnastics equipment. There was no computerised running or rowing machines, of course, but there were plenty of clubs to swing and a variety of wooden contraptions for vaulting, lifting and climbing. The range of equipment suggests an obsession by the late Victorians for physical fitness. There is the ‘Reliable’ horizontal bar, which is adjustable at little less than £7 (an unreliable horizontal bar would presumably have been much cheaper!) You could even buy a complete gymnasium with frames, horizontal bars, parallel bars, giant strides, ladders, trapezes, see-saws and numerous ropes and swings. Most of the gymnasts, illustrated using the equipment, are equipped with a distinctive moustache typical of the period, of course.

Any company that had traded for more than two centuries, as Piggotts’ has done, must have been nimble in reacting to changing fashions and market opportunities. Piggotts’ were to attempt to diversify their business in the period around 1910 by entering into the challenging and rapidly expanding acro industry. Having made tented hangars for housing the experimental aircraft that were being developed within the United Kingdom at the time, they entered aircraft manufacturing themselves. Although this seems like a dramatic step to take, their competitors were similarly short on experience. Nevertheless the move would have presented various contrasting technical challenges. The impression created from the catalogue of Piggott Brothers from this period is of a lively, adventurous company, willing to compete across a wide front over fashionable and substantial business areas.

The following follows a short article that was written for the Newsletter of the Friends of Historic Essex.

Thousands of local historians enthusiastically and diligently research and document their church, their parish, their town, their industry or a local notable, for example. Singly, their role is significant but collectively their contribution to the community is immense. Unrewarded financially, they will nevertheless take much satisfaction from their work.

Occasionally such a contribution really stands out. Without earnestly looking for examples of good writing in local history, sometimes one is confronted by writing that is as notable for its clarity and elegance as for its history. You may have had the good fortune (as I did in rambling through the Essex Record Office for possible sources of details on the Royal Forest of Hatfield) to stumble upon George Eland’s small book At the Courts of Great Canfield, Essex¹.

The C15 embattled porch of the parish church of St Mary, Great Canfield, enclosing the ornate south doorway.

George Eland lived in Great Canfield. He is still remembered there – as an eccentric. During his lifetime, which exceeded ninety years, he resisted the introduction of running water, gas and mains electricity to his house. He was known locally as ‘Boots’ since even into late age he walked in those boots to Great Dunmow, a round trip of several miles, two or three times each week.

George wrote uncommonly well. His writing, like his house, has a quality that seems to be lodged in a time not far removed from the courts that he wrote about. The Lord of the Manor allowed him access to the court-rolls of Great Canfield no, George has said it much better . . . in the first two paragraphs of his preface to the book.

“PREFACE

Whilst there can never be a real justification of an unwanted book, a few facts may be offered by way of condonation. Destiny cast its compiler almost in the middle of the manor, and between the sites of the two largest common fields. The western boundary of a wide horizon is one of the ancient demesne woods, and a clear sunset lights up the church which lies two miles to the south and stands against the tree-clad mount of the Norman castle. In a very actual sense therefore his theme lies all around him, and, however slender his qualifications to handle court-rolls, he had not sufficient strength of mind to refrain from the attempt when the kindness of the manor’s lord entrusted him with the documents as soon as they were returned from the safe retreat found for them during the war by the Essex Record Office.

On a golden day in autumn the editor could cross the stubbles in any direction to visit one of the tenements or inclosures which have a recorded history of five or six centuries, and he could return with notes to compare with the written words of the rolls:

“Where glowing embers through the room
Teach light to counterfeit a gloom.”

Whether capable of profiting by them or not, he has had opportunities during the last few years for which he is unfeignedly thankful.”

Within the first paragraph, George has introduced his landscape and his purpose. The final paragraph of the Preface is worth repeating, again in its entirety.

“The editor lays down his pen with some sadness, for this must be his last effort to preserve local records in an easily accessible form. A hobby-horse is for pleasure, not for draught, and his has led him for nearly forty years to beautiful places and amidst many charming people; its consumption of com is moderate, and that suggests the greatest of all hobby-horsical riders. When Mr. Walter Shandy told my Uncle Toby that his fortifications would ‘in the end make a beggar of you,’ he replied, ‘What signifies it if they do, brother, so long as we know ‘tis for the good of the nation?’

GREAT CANFIELD
G.E
September, 1949”

Maybe the prose just brushes with the pedantic. Is the quotation – from Milton’s Il Penseroso – wholly fitting? It matters not. The tone is gentle, modest and apologetic, but has the fascination of exploring local history been stated more gracefully and so concisely?

As a postscript, taken from the body of the book, consider how George Eland paints the numerous courtly problems of Thomas Hawkyn.

The quote comes from a short section in the book dealing with some problems created by animals.

“The 14 July 1507 was a black day for Thomas Hawkyn, and he had several matters to answer for at the court held then. He had assaulted John Dene, and was fined 6d. He had finished his year’s service as ale-taster so badly that he was fined 3d. for that. He had drawn from his well a latten bucket, holding 1 1/2 gallons, which was ranked as a stray, value 3s. 4d. and seized for the lord’s benefit. He lived close by the church-yard, his kitchen had fallen down and he had burned the timbers, for this and other ‘waste’ made in the dwelling, the bailiff was ordered to take it into the lord’s hands. At length we come to the story which brings him within the heading of this section; he had a dog which was noxious, for it bit the king’s lieges. This is not to be wondered at because it was no less than a ‘mastygreyhounde’ – a name which combines all the vices of the mastiff and the greyhound. At all events he was to get rid of it before 25 July, eleven days ahead, or pay 3s. and 4d. So Thomas Hawkyn left the court with a lighter purse, to seek his dilapidated home by the churchyard from which he was to be ejected; as the howls of the mastygreyhounde reached him from the ruined kitchen, he could reflect on the futility

‘Of dropping buckets into empty wells,
And growing old in drawing nothing up.’”

Within the Essex Record Office, sadly, only one other booklet is attributed to George Eland – that being a guide to the parish church.

. . . and the final quotation is from Cowper, The Task. Book iii. The Garden.

The British Trust for Ornithology (BTO) has reported a steep decline in sparrow populations within the UK over the last thirty-five years. Other wildlife and environmental groups and organisations agree the current status of the sparrow raises increasing alarm. Both the House Sparrow and the Tree Sparrow have declined over this period. Much research and many conservation methods have been applied in seeking to reverse this trend.

Alas, sad to report, the parishes of Stanford Rivers and Greensted played a leading role in the organised reduction of sparrow numbers locally. The blame could be placed at the door of the Rat and Sparrow Club, the rules of which are recorded below. The evidence for the club is just one typewritten sheet of paper listing the Committee together with the rules. There is no evidence that has come to light to suggest that the club was ever active, but the intent is quite clear.

The names of the Committee Members, headed by the Chairman, suggest that several recognisable families who farmed within the parish are the “founders”. The date of the club is not stated but it is thought that it operated sometime in the 1940s. Little concern for the sparrow and its population is implied – in fact there is no concern shown for the sparrow whatsoever! Perhaps the vendetta against the rat is more easily understood.

STANFORD RIVERS, GREENSTED & DISTRICT

RAT & SPARROW CLUB

Chairman . . . . . . Mr. G. Wilson

Committee; Messrs. W. Hinman, J. H. Millbank, G. T. Pledge,
B. Muglestone

Hon. Secretary & Treasurer . . . . Mr. W. Powell, Jnr.

RULES

All rats and sparrows must be caught in above districts and members are asked to take steps to see that this is carried out.

The following are the rates at which the Club will pay members for sparrows and rats handed in:
Sparrow heads 2s. per hundred to be paid at end of season (October 1st.).
Over half-grown rat tail counts 5 sparrow heads,
Under half-grown 1 rat tail = 1 sparrow’s head,
Two sparrows eggs or two fledglings = 1 sparrow head.

All heads and tails to be taken to the nearest member of the above Committee when a receipt will be given.

Membership fee 2s. 6p., payable to the Secretary.

– – – – – – – – – – – – –
N.B. It is hoped, if possible, to give prizes at the end of the season.

– – – – – – – – – – – –

The membership fee then was 12½ p. in decimal currency – probably equivalent to about £5 today. The payment for one hundred sparrow heads would have been about £4 today. The equivalence of two eggs or two fledglings to one sparrow implies barbarity that would be quite unacceptable today within the standards associated with the British bird watcher. Clearly any member had to work for any return, paid in arrears incidentally. There is no clear definition of a half-grown rat but presumably there was an understanding on the length of a tail as guidance. Twenty full-grown rats tails for four pounds seems hard won, and a member would not yet have covered his subscription at this rate.

Sparrow populations of the era must have been very much larger than they were in 1975, and considerably more so than today. Both the sparrow and the rat must have been regarded significant pests in order to generate such a response. Was such a club the result of a reaction to food rationing and the need to preserve food stocks in “austerity Britain” following the Second World War? Is there any other reference to the club? Or was the club just an excuse for a good evening’s meal and a glass of something?

The local Rat and Sparrow Club was one part of a national movement to reduce pest levels. Clubs with similar aims (and similar bounties, although Stanford Rivers and Greensted did not appear to be the most generous) appeared over England. A search through Internet references identifies, for example; Rickling (Essex), Wadhurst (Kent) and “The Bowl Inn” at Hastingleigh (Kent) as being the home of other such clubs.

History repeats! Now look at some of our local roads. They are under unprecedented stress; traffic is increasing; established pot-holes have been deepened by last winter’s weather; water covers roads where ditches have filled; hedges have outgrown verges, leaving pedestrian users no safe haven; some country roads are simply too narrow and the largest vehicles assault the lanes. And then there are the 4x4s and people carriers . . . .

On the Greensted Road, more than eighty years ago, problems were similar. Let the Rev. Ralph W. Doyle explain in the monthly church magazine – just two typewritten pages attached to a diocesan supplement.

The Church Magazine of Greensted, Ongar, Essex, January 1927

“If Greensted Road – formerly Church Lane – is left much longer in the state that it is now, it will permanently stamp the Hamlet, and its unique and beautiful Church, with the new name of Greensted-on-Mud. It is really scandalous that it should be left from week to week and month to month in the state it is at present. It is now used as a thoroughfare and short cut between Ongar and Epping for all kind of heavy traffic, including traction engines and trailers, and yet so narrow that two cars can hardly pass. What is really required is that the poor road should be closed to such heavy traffic until a new road, at last double its present width, and constructed on right principles, should be made. There is no footpath or refuge for foot passengers, who have to rush into hedge or ditch to save themselves. Perhaps nothing of any real value will be done until some serious smash takes place, and people of some consequence are killed.

N.B. Will all contributors remember, please, to send in their notes by the 21st of every month.
Yours always sincerely
RALPH W. DOYLE
Editor, pro tem”

One can only guess who the “people of some consequence” might be?! The Rev. Doyle, perhaps a reluctant editor, was certainly committed to the cause of the Greensted Road. He was no supporter of the local authority with responsibility for it. In the following magazine a short entry continued his campaign to improve the local road conditions.

Church Magazine, February 1927

“ GREENSTED ROAD
If a demonstration of Greensted-on-mud were needed no one can say they have not got it during those late weeks and days! The traction engines and trailers still run snorting and groaning, and puffing sulphur fumes, and the “Authority”, whatever that is, make no ado. Well, wait! If you can’t be patient then be as patient as you can.”

Is there a hint in the final sentence of the magazine entry of growing commitment to the cause. Road conditions did not improve, and apparently worsened during the Spring of 1927.

Church Magazine, May 1927

“The Church Road is now in a worse condition than ever. The heavy milk lorries and the greatly increased motor traffic are making havoc of whatever remains of the real road. Except (and this is there for all to see) a part of the road which is really well made and tarred some 3 or 4 years ago, and that stretches down from Blake Hall Station for about ¾ of a mile, and resists wear and tear. Experto crede.”

Rev Doyle is a close observer of the road. Sentiment against the growth in traffic, on roads that are not fit for the purpose, is expressed widely. The Daily Mail is quoted in the church magazine.

Church Magazine, September 1927

“ THE SCANDAL OF GREENSTED ROAD
A most timely and singularly appropriate article on the subject of roads without footpaths is here partly copied from the London Daly Mail. . . . .

. . . . With the constant increase of motor traffic, the pedestrian really does take his life in his hands when walking along narrow roads unprovided with footpaths. On such roads it is becoming positively perilous to walk; and for women with children, especially, the experience is nerve-wracking. The problem is an urgent one and will have to be faced.

As to the recklessness of certain drivers in passing one another, our correspondent makes out a clear case against what, though not actually dangerous driving in itself, is a danger to pedestrians and to traffic coming in the opposite direction. . . . “

The transport of the timber from the felled trees in Ongar Park resulted in an extra burden for the road. So the Rector complained and, to add substance to the action, he withheld payment of his rates. He was duly brought to the local magistrates court. The chairman of the court was firm with the protesting rector.

Church Magazine, October 1927

“Dear friends, – Our combined efforts added to an appeal to the Minister of Transport, to get some improvement in the condition of Greensted Church Road, the ancient and unique highway from London into Suffolk, seems to be at last getting nearer to realization. But let me warn our “experts” in road-making that patching with gravel and water will not do; this is following “the vicious circle” of throwing good money of the Ratepayers away. This little road is now subjected to the heaviest and most grinding and destroying traffic. Besides being a by-pass for Epping and London for thousands of motorists, it is about to be used again, we are told, to bear the weight of traction engines and trailers laden with the forest trees of Ongar Park, which is being destroyed – a shameful act in itself. . . . . A propos of all this, the present writer has had unsought notoriety forced upon him by kindly and appreciative newspapers, who have shown their appreciation of his efforts and condemnation of the very rude and unfair treatment he received in the Ongar Police Court.

On October 8th inst., having paid a full year’s rates (£28) for no kind of benefit, I refused, he says, to pay a third half-year without, at least, making a protest against the Council’s neglect of the Church road in spite of all our efforts and complaints. Therefore I welcomed a summons from the masterly spenders of our money, the Ongar Council, to show cause why I had not paid, etc. But to my astonishment the Justice in the chair, instead of fulfilling the promise of his name, and hearing my “cause” patiently in the King’s name – for the Imperial Crown is stamped on the citation – refused to hear anything I might have to say.! . . . . “

There appeared to be growing interest in the “angry rector’s” protest and the Evening Standard found the case worthy of wider publication.

Evening Standard

“ ANGRY RECTOR
Complaint in Court of Lack of Courtesy
From Our Own Correspondent ONGAR, Saturday

The Rector of Greensted, The Rev. R. Doyle, created a little scene at the Ongar Court today. He appeared in connection with the non-payment of rates.

He said he was now ready to pay, by the withheld payment, as a protest against the condition of the road near the rectory. He was acting on behalf of the parishioners generally.

Chairman: The condition of the road has nothing to do with the Bench.

The Rector: No, but it has to do with my prosecutors, the Rural Council,

Chairman: Are you going to pay, or shall we issue a distress warrant?

The Rector: You have no right to issue a distress. I will pay under protest, and I shall use my best endeavours –

Chairman (interrupting): Please stop. We have other business.

The Rector: I know that, but this is of great importance to me.

Chairman: We have heard your protest.

The Rector: I am not addressing you but the Bench. I don’t want to have anything to do with lawyers or liars, which are said to be almost transferable.

Chairman: That will do. Will you pay now?

The Rector: Yes.

The Clerk: That means at once.

The Rector: I never knew that it meant anything else. I have never been treated with such lack of courtesy and respect.

The Rector signed a cheque for the amount due.”

There is truculence in the Rev. Doyle. In equating lawyers with liars during the proceedings, he was sailing close to the wind, but the condemnation was from the clerk was mild. Nevertheless, success followed and his voice was heard! He is still the editor of the magazine.

Church Magazine, November 1927

“ TO THE PARISHIONERS AND ROAD USERS
Dear Friends,

The “impossible” has come to pass. We are not only going to have a properly mended toad, but a “re-constructed” road, for which we must give thanks. To be worthy of lovely Greensted and its wonder of a church – it will require to be very good indeed, and have a “crown” upon it. So you see all things come to those who wait (and work). You must have remarked with a sign of satisfaction that notices have been placed at the Ongar end, and towards Blake Hall: “This road is closed to all Vehicular traffic from” “Greensted Rectory to Draper’s Corner” “during reconstruction”. A good many “vehicles” including loads with engines, of 10 or 12 tons, managed to slip through to the surprise of some of us; and doubtless their “impressione” did not help things; and you wondered why it was allowed. But there was no policeman, no pole across the way; and perhaps that had something to do with it. . . . .”

“P.S. Our next appeal must be; GIVE US LIGHT! Gas, Oil, or Electric. For Greensted Road is very dark at night.

Your sincere and affectionate friend and Rector,
R. W. DOYLE”

Following the success, the next target is to be street lighting along the Church Road! In the meantime the Rev. Doyle is still keeping a close eye on the construction of the new road.

Church Magazine, January 1928

“[The church magazine] will also have an honoured place in the memory of those who knew what Greensted Road was, with its mud and ruts of a year ago, and the floods which in this year of floods left us, I hope with thankful hearts that something was done at last to fight them. The road is by no means finished yet; and there are certain features in the workmanship, in the way of carrying off surface water between the Church turning and the little Lower Lodge, which only require to be seen to be condemned. An ineffective waste of the Ratepayers’ money. But even the people who have done less than nothing to help, seem glad or at least “tolerant” about what is beginning to dawn on them as a necessary improvement.”

RAF North Weald traffic is now adding pressure to the road. There are still details in the road that need to be attended to.

Church Magazine, March 1928

“The renewed and partially restored Greensted Road, and greatly needed water channels, which have already put an end to floods and danger, even during the record time of floods we have passed through, is a great and permanent improvement and relief. The road suffers from heavy traffic, which should be prohibited by the local authority until the metalling has set at least, and proper railings and refuges from juggernaut cars day and night have been effected. The traffic upon this little road has increased enormously of late, chiefly owing to the permanent establishment of the Royal Air Force at North Weald. It has been further pointed out that the owners of the land between Greensted Hall and the Rectory should be required by the local authority to erect strong and permanent wood or iron railings where there is NO PROTECTION for road users against falling into deep waters, and being drowned, if an accident should occur.”

This is perhaps a lengthy tale of a less than significant chapter in local history. Yet, more that eighty years after the Rev. Doyle’s observations and protest, conditions established then remain. Traffic along Greensted Road was increasing then, sometimes dramatically with the establishment of RAF North Weald. The road surface was irregular and poorly maintained. Today, water covers the road just where it was reported in 1927. Pedestrians, who walked down the road then, engaged huge physical risk, as they do today. Huge lorries and massive farm vehicles now use the road frequently, having replaced the traction engines, milk lorries and traffic from Ongar Park. And juggernaut . . . .

A visit to the Senior Historical Society at the Essex Record Office, 1st February 2005

Had A. A. Milne a darker, more serious side? The thought would surely never have occurred to Eeyore. Could the bear have really been a suspect? Hard to imagine! A visit to the Essex Record Office was in order for the February meeting of the Senior Historical Society. Could my curiosity be satisfied?

The incident that launched the story took place in Honeypot Lane, ‘Plotlands’, where Basildon now stands. Those who lived in the area had bought plots of land on which to erect a dwelling, often of very temporary construction. The soil could be ‘sticky as honey’ and was difficult to cultivate in wet periods, as it was when baked hard in the height of summer. Clean water and mains sewerage were not available throughout the area. At times of relative drought, water was scarce, often collected from rainwater or, when the need arose, from ditches. Drought conditions prevailed in the August of 1906.

The Buckham family lived at Sawyers Farm. The farm possessed a pond, and the critical water shortage had persuaded a neighbouring couple, Albert and Emma Watson, to ease their own death by gathering water from this pond, believing with good ground that they had permission. Robert and Richard, sons of the Buckham family, discovered the ‘theft’ in progress. Richard went back to the Buckham residence, collected a gun, returned to the pond and shot the couple – dead, after reloading. Robert and Richard were both charged with murder but after the incident their lives took distinctly different paths.

Richard, 19 years old, with limited intelligence and some history of mental illness, was convicted of murder and sentenced to death. The resources of the family could not support adequate defence counsel. Robert, 16 years old, was acquitted of the charge. Robert served in reconnaissance in the war; indeed, he served throughout the war, even returning to the front after recovering from a left-hand injury, the usual self-inflicted wound of the soldier seeking relief from the trenches. Robert earned the Military Medal.

Marion Hill presented the story with sincerity, and the sensitivity of an author. Her book about the brothers, The Honeypot Killers, was launched at the Imperial War Museum in July 2004. Marion Hill is the author of a number of books about ‘new towns’ and their residents. Among other publications, either published or expected, is a book on the women who worked at Bletchley Park during World War II.

But that was not all! The Senior Historical Society enjoyed the first showing of a generous film ‘trailer’, produced to invite the making of a film based on the book. Actors in period costume documented the diverse opinions on the issues, including the macabre calculation of the ‘drop’ by the hangman, one of the Pierreponts. Good entertainment!

More on the association of Piggott Brothers with the development of flying .. .

PROGRESS OF FLIGHT ABOUT THE COUNTRY

Acroplane Building and Flying Soc. (8, Manchester St., W.). Arrangements have just been concluded with Mr. W. Ecclestone by which the Society are to have the use of the Kensal Green Athletic Ground for flying purposes. As the ground does not show a hill or slope suitable for gliding, it was necessary for the Society to get over the difficulty, and the matter was taken in hand by the Secretary, who has evolved an inclined wire cable tramway to answer the purpose.

This device is now in the hands of Messrs. Piggott Bros., of Bishopsgate, and the idea has developed to such an extent that it looks like giving quite a novel turn to gliding. The inventor, who is applying for a patent, has great hopes of seeing every landowner in England with a portable hill fixed up on the lawn, where the “rising” generation may enjoy the exhilarating swoop through the air that is characteristic of gliding on a good machine. In the course of a few weeks the Society hopes to demonstrate what can be done on their own hill with their own glider.

Flight, October 8, 1910

The title of this work might sound off-putting, but its content is certainly not. The ‘Ongar Community Tree Strategy’ was commissioned by Ongar Town Council and various local interest groups have made a significant contribution to this booklet. The work (32 pages, A4 size, in colour with photos and maps) gives an outline of the landscape history of the area before considering ‘special’ trees in Ongar, worthy of preservation, civic protection or simply enjoyment. With the declining use of timber for buildings during the twentieth century and pressure for more road building, airport expansion and housing, the Strategy concludes that safeguarding “an environment that supports a green landscape is crucial in the face of these challenges”. Locally, it is a “wake-up call to preserve not only the present tree stock, but perhaps more importantly, ensure that by community action in our own homes and gardens, we leave a healthy tree-filled legacy for future generations”.

In 2005 Rob Brooks led a ten week course for the Ongar branch of the WEA entitled ‘The Royal Forest of Essex’. These notes were written by him, and are reproduced in his memory.

The Royal Forest of Essex
Introduction

At the outset, we need to be clear about the meaning of the term Royal Forest. In referring to an area as Royal Forest, we mean that Forest Laws placed restrictions on its use. The convention is to use capital letters here to distinguish this precise meaning from forest to denote a large wooded area. Hence Forest has a legal interpretation; this implies that the association with trees is coincidental … although not irrelevant!

The Norman kings introduced Forest Laws to preserve for themselves unhindered hunting of venison, venison being deer (roe, fallow and red deer) and wild boar. At the whim of the Norman kings, large areas of England were designated Royal Forest. The Forest Laws were restrictive and intentionally oppressive for those inhabitants living under them, and as a consequence the Laws were much resented. These laws were not part of Common Law, and a separate judiciary was required to administer them.

Some time after the Norman Conquest, the whole of Essex became a single Royal Forest, one of some seventy Forests to be so created. Essex was the largest. In the 13C., at their peak, the Royal Forest covered about one quarter of the country in large swathes.

In the course we will examine the history of the Royal Forest with particular reference to Essex. This history extends to the present day. Essex is fortunate in retaining remnants of Forest, notably the ancient woodlands of Hainault, Epping, including Wintry Wood to the north of Epping, Kingswood, near Colchester, and Writtle. Most notable is the wood-pasture of Hatfield Forest, which uniquely retains the traditional open pasture in a form close to that which probably existed in Norman times.

There are several themes running through the course. Apart from the changing structure and history of the Forest of Essex, these themes include the legal background to the Forest and the social consequences, the changing use of the Forest, including hunting, agriculture and timber production, and an appreciation of trees and their management.

At the end of the course, those attending will have established a broader understanding of the Royal Forest. Within a wider context, the course will provide the background necessary to enable attendees to develop a greater understanding of physical landscape features. It is hoped that the course will provide the framework for an enhanced, enthusiastic and developing appreciation of the English landscape using sources available.

The Royal Forest of Essex
Part 1.
Anglo-Saxon Essex

Objective

We need to look before the Norman Conquest to establish the position held by both woodland and the practice of hunting, and we will then be able to recognise the changes brought about through the Norman Conquest and the imposition of the Forest Laws.

In recent years, the Anglo-Saxons and their achievements have been undergoing some re-evaluation; for example, as presented in the autumn TV programme, Britain AD. The Anglo-Saxon system of local government through hundreds and parishes was probably without parallel in Europe. Two examples of Anglo-Saxon culture may be mentioned in passing, the Alfred jewel, held in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, and a portable sundial, residing in Canterbury Cathedral. The re-evaluation is being continued through the strong line of research of landscape historians and archaeologists.

Anglo-Saxon Woodland and Hunting

Woodland was of great importance to the local economy. Woodland provided timber for building and tools, and fuel for heating. Woodland beech and oak mast supported pigs and cattle. Honey would be a valued product from woodland.

Woodland also provided an area for recreation in the form of hunting. The laws of Cnut implied that areas for hunting were reserved and landowners were permitted to hunt on their own land. Techniques used in hunting would include hunting with dogs from horseback for royalty and hunting using nets for the commonalty. The practice of rearing animals both for food and for hunting is indicated by frequent reference in charters to a hagu or haia, meaning a hedge or fence; these words, Old English and Norman, respectively, were used to describe some structure either for the containment of animals, primarily deer, or for use in hunting game.

Alfred the Great is reputed to have excelled in the art of hunting. Edward the Confessor was aid to have enjoyed the sports of hawking and hunting whenever he had completed his devotions. There is a record of the king’s huntsmen being fed and clothed, and being given presents, and at least for royalty, the practice of hunting appears well developed.

Anglo-Saxon Landscapes in Essex

There is evidence of Anglo-Saxon landscapes locally. The parishes of the Rodings, north of Chipping Ongar, of which there are eight remaining:
Beauchamp Roding,
Berners Roding,
Margaret Roding,
Leaden Roding,
High Roding,
Aythorpe Roding,
White Roding, and Abbess Roding,
formed an Anglo-Saxon estate. A ninth parish, Morrells Roding, has been absorbed within the parish of White Roding. Four churches existed in Rodings manors by 1086, and 16 separate manors are mentioned in Domesday. Eight parishes were in existence by 1250; maybe the parish church of White Roding took the role of a minster church within these parishes; but the evidence is not strong enough to support a firm conclusion.

St Andrew’s, Greensted-juxta-Ongar, was traditionally thought to be of Anglo-Saxon date. This date has been progressively revised, making the church ‘younger’. Recent dendrochronology results have determined a date of between 1040 and 1086; so the church might even be Norman … but at least the logs are Anglo-Saxon!

The date of St Andrew’s now corresponds closely to the earliest recorded date of a deer park in England. A will of 1045 makes reference to a ‘deer huge’ at Chipping Ongar. The boundary of Ongar Great Park was about one mile west of St Andrew’s. A partial bank, characteristic of such parks, is still in evidence. The park was about 5 miles in circumference and the bank, built to retain the deer, would have been a prominent structure of necessity.

The Norman Conquest

William I was a keen huntsman. Norman hunting traditions, added to an interest in the subjugation of the populace, resulted in William introducing Forest Laws, giving hunting rights to the king over large areas of England irrespective of land ownership.

The Royal Forest of Essex
Part 2.
The Norman and Angevin Kings

Objective

There are pre-conquest references that indicate the existence of hunting in England and there is some evidence that hunting was organised and included the rearing and management of deer. The Royal Forest is usually taken to be a Norman introduction. In this session, its development by the Norman and Angevin kings will be discussed. The extent of the Royal Forest increased throughout the period, eventually covering 20% of England. Essex was a Royal Forest, and the largest of the Forest areas in England.

Royal Forest

A Royal Forest is an area subject to Forest Laws. These were drafted to protect venison for the purpose of hunting. Areas designated Royal Forest were associated with poorer land. Woodland was needed for cover for deer, but apart from this requirement, there is no direct correlation of Forest with trees. However, the result of the Laws was to ensure that the king and his followers enjoyed a controlled, near monopoly of hunting.

Hunting was a tradition of the Carolingian kings. William I is quoted as loving “the tall deer as if he were their father”. A Norman king was able to satisfy his desire for the hunt by designating a Royal Forest at his whim; the inhabitants, urged by severe penalties for transgressions, would be made aware that Forest Laws would be applied.

Forest Laws

The Forest Laws were intended to protect deer and provide an environment in which deer would flourish. There is no original version of the Laws from the reign of William I, and it must be anticipated that they evolved subsequently. The year 1184 was a watershed; the administration of the Forest needed attention and it was necessary to demonstrate that the Laws were not the whim of the king. In 1184, the Assize of Woodstock (also the Assize of the Forest) incorporated the fundamental Forest Laws.

Effectively, Forest Laws conveyed to the king Forestal Rights, the right to keep deer, to hunt, to fine transgressors and collect the fines. The landowner owned the soil, the timber and woodland, and the grazing, but commoners, also had established rights, for example rights to timber, often for particular purposes, and grazing rights. Of course, the King was a landowner, owning his estates within Forested areas, but the king might also license important landowners to hunt in their own private Forest, referred to as a chase, in exchange for revenue generated for the exchequer.

As may be expected, these Laws placed restrictions on inhabitants; for example, by restricting the development of land for agriculture or housing, because of the need to maintain the cover for the deer, through restrictions on the protection of crops because of the need to allow the free-running of the deer, and placing limits on the keeping of dogs. There were also many corrupt practices that caused conflict between the king and barons, coming to a head in the Magna Carta of 1215. The issue of the Royal Forest was sufficiently important to warrant four chapters within the charter.

Following John’s subsequent rejection of the charter, and his death, the demands of the barons were revised and presented to the king, now Henry III, through the regent, in the Charter of the Forest of 1217. This charter, in 17 chapters, presents a broad summary of the grievances of the barons, and landowners and commoners, associated with the Law of the Forest. Perhaps it is significant that the charter does not request the complete rejection of the Laws, maybe in endeavouring to request what is judged to be achievable, but it does seek to outlaw some of the associated corrupt practices.

Punishments, Disafforestment and Revenue

Although it is (dubiously) romantic to think of heavy medieval punishments being meted out to transgressors, evidence for this appears to be scarce. It must have been realised that fines or amercements were more rewarding that gratuitous violence! What then could you do if you were afforested (deemed to come under the Forest Laws)? You could buy yourself out! There were a number of these, but in the Forest of Essex, the area north of Stane Street was disafforested by the Earl of Oxford in 1204 for the sum of 500 marks and 5 palfreys. This was a typical settlement, although the sums of money and the areas in other disafforestments varied considerably. Of course, the timing of these coincided with periods when the Exchequer was short of money, particularly around 1190, in the time of Richard I, and 1202, King John.

Administration

The Law of the Forest was a departure from Roman Law, which allowed the freedom to hunt on your own land. Forest Laws were not incorporated within Common Law and their imposition required a new and separate judiciary. The Chief Justice of the Forest headed the judiciary. In addition, a number of officials were required to police the Forest and manage the resources of deer, timber, and grazing.

The Royal Forest of Essex
Part 3
The Growth of Deer Parks

Objective

The development of the Forest System enabled and extended greatly the opportunities for courtly hunting of venison over wide areas of England. Parks for rearing and managing deer reflected this growth. The construction and maintenance of a park large enough to accommodate a herd of deer would have been an expensive undertaking. It is surprising that these parks were apparently so numerous, but still the value of deer meat was beyond price. Here we will look at the purpose and growth of the deer park.

Pre Domesday

There is one clear reference to a pre-Domesday park — that of Ongar Great Park but it would be strange if this park was unique. In the Domesday survey of 1086 a total of 37 parks are recorded but, surprisingly, Ongar Great Park is not one of those included. However, this total is probably confused by the use of different terminology within Domesday; for example, a park in Holt, Norfolk, is referred to as porcus (a pig) rather than the correct parcus. There is also uncertainty about the use of the words huga, haw, or hays to describe some pre- and post-Conquest landscape structures’.

Subsequent to Domesday, and certainly after 1200, state and court records become more plentiful. Lists of deer parks can be compiled through the seeking out of references to parks in medieval wills, charters and state records. The compilation of sets of these references has been advanced by a number of authors.
Medieval deer and deer farming are poorly documented in these records. (Was this because they were commonplace?) Commonplace or not, and despite the value of the meat, the endeavour was still just for the wealthy. The bank and pale, required to confine the deer, was expensive to maintain, and deer needed feeding during harsh winters.

Domesday Deer Parks

Of the 37 deer parks in England mentioned in Domesday, just one is in Essex — at Rayleigh. This entry is unusually descriptive since not only is a vineyard also noted there but the yield of the vineyard is also described. Other Domesday entries can be concisely descriptive in other senses; for example:
“Kingsley (‘Cheshire): … and there is a hawk’s eyrie and 4 enclosures for [catching] roe-deer. TRE it was worth 30s now 6s.”

The Growth of the Deer Park

As noted above, Shirley (1867) concluded that there were more than 300 medieval deer parks in England at the height of their popularity. Cantor expanded the list so that over 100 were noted within the county of Essex. It is perhaps surprising that he current total for Essex currently stands at over 160.

The earliest reference to a particular deer park in the records provides a clue to the date of the foundation of the park, and usually also gives the ownership. By examining these first mentions, the trend in the growth of the deer park can be reasonably established … or is it just establishing the pattern of the growth of records?

It is well-known that Writtle possessed two deer parks:

Horsfrith Park: “Licence for Richard de Brus to impark his wood at Horsfrith, which is within the metes of the forest of Writele with his ‘minds thereto pertaining, and to hold the same in fee-simple.” June 7, Westminster, Cal. Pat. 1280

Chignal and Wrytle: “Licence, … , to Thomas de Weylaund to enclose and impark two groves in Chigenhale, Tany and Wrytele, containing 14 acres, and 16 acres of land there within the bounds of the forest of Essex.” April 29, Westminster, Cal Pat. 1286

Thomas de Weylaund was one of those medieval personalities that lurched from success to penury and disgrace in no time at all. A member of the judiciary, he was accused of being an accessory to murder, fuelled by complaints of misconduct, during an absence of the king when abroad. He was tried, found guilty and given three choices, all of them unpalatable, he “abjured the realm”, to return to England after several years in France.

The Rabbit and Rabbit Farming

The rabbit is a comparatively recent introduction into England. In 1240, the king was ordering rabbits from his lords. Pillow mounds, constructed to encourage burrowing, and present in both Epping and Hatfield Forests, are evidence of rabbit farming.

The Royal Forest of Essex
Part 4
Law and Order in the Forest

Objective

The maintenance of law and order in the Royal Forests required both a separate judicial system, because the body of law lay outside Common Law, and officials to administer the system, to police the Forest, and to dispense justice. Since the extent of the Forest at its peak amounted to around 20% of the land surface in England, these tasks proved often to be a burden for both citizens involved and judiciary. However, strict imposition of the law through fines and amercements brought rewards for the Exchequer.

The Chief Justice of the Forest

That the king invested the authority for the running of the Royal Forests in the hands of the Chief Justice of the Forest is maybe a simplification but it is convenient. The Chief Justice was responsible also for king’s demesne woods within the bounds of the Forest. Henry II, maybe because of the wide duties involved, divided the position into two by appointing a chief justice for North of the Trent and one for South of the Trent. These posts had a long history and their abolition along with the posts of other Forest officials were terminated by an Act passed only in 1813.

Notable, early, and sometimes infamous, holders of the position included Hugh de Nevill, to be followed by his son John, and Robert de Passelewe . Robert de Passelewe ousted several Forest officials from their positions: John de Nevill was accused of serious offences and was removed from office, as was Richard de Montfichet from his position as Warden of the Forest of Essex. The deed returning the Forest of Waltham to the care of Richard is preserved in the Essex Record Office.

Warden of the Forest of Essex

Richard de Montfichet was the first holder of the title of Warden of the Forest of Essex. Richard died in 1205, and his son, also Richard, succeeded to the title in 1215 as of hereditary right, and on payment of £100. Richard led an eventful, ‘medieval life’, being stripped of his lands on two occasions but nevertheless recovering favour with the king both times. The tasks of Richard de Montfichet would have been various. Often quoted is the order from Henry III, sent from Marlborough on 3 December 1238:

“To Richard de Muntfichet: Contrabreve to cause to be taken in the forest of Essex, both within and without the king’s park of Havering, 80 live does and 40 live bucks for the use of the count of Flanders, and to deliver them to Reynold Ruffus, the king’s yeoman, and to cause to be made in his bailiwick such cages as shall be needed to put them in.”

The Unpaid Officials

The responsibilities of unpaid officials were generally to audit and maintain the state of the forest. Regarders were knights, appointed by the king, to carry out the triennial regard of the forest. Twelve knights were appointed for each Forest. The regard involved a perambulation of the boundary of the Forest, noting purpresture, the encroachment of settlement into the Forest boundary. Appointment to this unpaid post, naturally unpopular with the inhabitants of the Forest, was often unwelcome.

Verderers reviewed the state of the vert, the cover for the deer. Destruction of the vert, particularly assarting, was noted and reported. The numbers of verderers varied depending on the size of the Forest – eighteen in the Forest of Essex in the 13C, and two in Rutland. Verderers are still active in Epping Forest. Agisters collected the agistment, the payment for the feeding of pigs on the beech and oak mast within the king’s woods.

The Paid Officials

The paid officials of the Forest included hereditary foresters of fee, riding and walking foresters, and woodwards. The task of the foresters was to police the vert and the venison, often a dangerous task since poaching gangs might be large, assisted by dogs, and armed. Foresters were permitted to carry bows and arrows for their protection.

Woodwards were appointed by the owners of woodland within the Forest. It was a requirement that each wood should have a woodward to manage the veil and the venison; Should the post of woodward be vacant without good cause then the wood would be transferred to the king. Woodwards were not armed.

Courts

The setting and collection of the fees for agisting, feeding was set at the Swanimote or Swanimote. Preliminary hearings of trespasses occupied Attachment Courts, which were intended to take place every 40 days. Such courts dispensed small fines where appropriate but more serious cases were hear at the Forest Eyre before the Chief Justice. Special and general inquisitions were held into any death of venison or serious trespass involving the veil, preliminaries to the Forest Eyre.

The Royal Forest of Essex
Part 5
Forest Fieldwork

Fieldwork in local history has become firmly established over the last forty years since pioneering work at Leicester University. Quantitative techniques have been proposed and tested in a wide range of localities, placing the subject on an increasingly secure footing. Many excellent books express this growing confidence of the subject.

Dating of Trees

The contention is that the girth of a tree, when measured at a height of around 5 feet (variously 1.3m or 1.5m), increases at a rate of one inch per year. Applying to the period before a tree attains full maturity, this is valid for a wide variety of trees. However, it must be anticipated that this correlation between girth and age of a tree can only be a ‘rule of thumb’ since growth can be modified by local conditions of soil, drainage, and environment, and the management history of the tree – the growth of a tree is arrested following pollarding. However, the rule is convenient and non-invasive, and can be tested whenever a mature tree is felled, of course.

In Essex, the best concentration of ancient trees is in Epping Forest with a likely count in excess of 50,000 such trees. The remaining old woodland in Hainault Forest has many fine trees. Small groups and isolated trees of note are widely distributed in Essex.

Dating of Hedgerows

In a similar manner a rule of thumb has been established for the dating of a hedgerow. The technique depends on counting the number of different ‘woody’ species within a group of 30m lengths of the hedgerow. The age of the hedge in years is then the average of the number of species over the number of lengths in which the count has been made, multiplied by 100. So if the average number of species is 4.3, then the age of the hedge is 430 years. Minor improvements in the technique might involve discarding lengths exhibiting a low count (the section might have been replanted) and those with a high count (maybe the section formed part of a garden).

Place Names

The study of place names owes much to the English Place-Name Society. Recently, a national dictionary of place-names has been published. Involved in the dictionary, and notable in her own original work, is Margaret Gelling who has analysed place-names and the correlation of elements of those names with landscape features. A number of elements in these names apply to woodland or clearings; for example:
fyrhth(e) meaning ‘land overgrown with brushwood’ (e.g. Thrift Wood)
hangra ‘sloping wood on a gentle slope’ (Birchanger)
holt ‘single species wood’ (Hainault Forest, Bergholt)
hyrst ‘wooded hill’ (Buckhurst, Doddinghurst, Hawkhurst, Midhurst)
leah ‘forest, wood, glade, clearing’ later ‘pasture’, ‘meadow’
sceaga ‘small wood’ (Bramshaw, Strumpshaw)

In total, about eighteen such elements can be identified with woodland and clearings, but some of these are regional and a few are rarely encountered.

Maps

Clearly maps are sources of considerable information although the amount of information and its accuracy depends very much on the date of their compilation. County maps date from the 16C, but being county wide they are ‘pictorial’ rather than an accurate representation of the county; for example, John Speed’s map of 1610 of Essex depicts 49 (deer) parks, including Writtle Park but not Horsefrith Park.

Similarly, estate maps, often colourfully drawn, date from about 1560, but they should not be expected to be the result from an accurate survey. However, parish maps, which accompanied the tithe award assessment of around 1840, are generally well surveyed and detailed but the scale of the survey is variable from parish to parish. The tithe award assessment attempted to determine the award in terms of a financial contribution. Tithe maps are valuable since each field and wood is represented along with a record of the field name, owner, tenant, acreage and broad land use category.

The early Ordnance Survey maps exhibit great detail at 6″ and 25″ scales. Those at the largest scale show individual trees. Map analysis of the structures within a map can provide additional clues to the development of landscape features. Analysis of ‘T-junctions’ within a map can be used to suggest detail within the map, particularly when related to the relative dating of features.

Physical Landscape Features

Finally, there are those features still visible within the landscape. These include a wide variety of physical clues such as wood pasture, (uniquely) preserved at Hatfield Forest, banks, coppice banks, boundary banks, assarts or agricultural clearance, evidence of purpresture or encroachment, and evidence of the management of woodland trees, coppicing and pollarding, charcoal burning and even abandoned saw-pits.

A proceeding from a court at Westwood near Dunwich in Suffolk in 1442 illustrates the high status of the rabbit. In the autumn of that year, three Augustinian canons from Blythburgh Priory had been caught poaching rabbits with their own, specially reared, greyhounds – a flagrant display of the increasing worldliness of the religious orders. The outraged court officials fined them the substantial sum of 46s 8d (three and a half marks), further recording that the activity had the express knowledge and support of no less a person than the Prior himself.

The high fine imposed on the priory indicates the importance of the rabbit in the fifteenth century. The story suggests that the animal, being scarce, is not native to Britain. It is perhaps surprising then to find that despite obvious success in breeding, the rabbit is a comparatively late introduction to mainland Britain, later than the period of the Norman kings.

The rabbit, unlike the native hare, is a French introduction. In 1176, it was known that there were rabbits on the Scilly Isles. It is likely that they had reached the Isle of Wight by 1225. Some rabbit bones have been unearthed at Rayleigh Castle, indicating that they had been buried there probably in the first quarter of the thirteenth century; they had been eaten there but not necessarily raised there. The origin of these rabbits may have been the islands off the Essex coast, such as Foulness and Wallasey, both manors in the Honour of Rayleigh.

The earliest reference to the rabbit found in Britain is a mention in a charter of 1204. The existence of a coneygarth dates from 1241, when the king ordered hay to be carted from his cuningera at Guildford. There are earlier indirect references; for example in 1235, the king presented a gift of decem couninos vivos from his park in Guildford, and in 1242 he sent men there to catch thirty or forty rabbits secundum quod invenerint prefatum cuneram fertilem. No case of trespass involving the rabbit has been traced before 1268, when Richard, Earl of Cornwall, complained that his ‘coney warren’ (or coneygarth) at Isleworth, Middlesex, had been broken into.

A royal charter conferred the right of ‘free-warren’. It permitted the recipient the sole right to hunt specified beasts within the warren. These beasts ranged from the fox, hare, pheasant, partridge and rabbit, but did not include the beasts of the Forest, deer and wild boar. At this time there were many such grants made, enabling landowners to breed and hunt these ‘lesser’ animals. However, only occasionally do these grants mention the specific animals reserved for the owner; most commonly such named animals were the hare and fox, at least into the early thirteenth century.

The Spread of the Rabbit

In 1240, the king ordered a supply of rabbits from a number of his sheriffs; three returns were received – 100 rabbits from the bishop of Winchester, 200 from the Earl of Warenne, and a further 200 from a court high official. In 1243, the king had requested 200 from the estates of the bishop of Winchester, 100 of these coming from the Isle of Wight, and 300 from the estates belonging to the archbishop of Canterbury. Parks would have been stocked with live rabbits, and this trade between king and aristocracy was an indication of its status and value. The rabbit would eventually be served at the royal table.

The critical period for the spread of the rabbit appears to be from about 1230 to 1250 when there are numerous records of the stocking of parks. The breeding would be encouraged by the construction of low mounds, ‘pillow mounds’, to enable the rabbit to colonise easily. Such an earth mound is depicted in the Luttrell Psalter, published between 1320 and 1340, the rabbits within the mound depicted as being attacked by a pine marten. As may be imagined from the care devoted to its rearing, the rabbit remained a very expensive meat during the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, costing four or five times as much as chicken, and hence was regarded as a luxury. In consequence, the skins were also much in demand as well.

By 1305, the rabbit population was sufficient to enable skins to be exported and a record from the port of Hull, dating from 1305, refers to the export of 200 fells or skins. By the mid-sixteenth century, rabbits were plentiful. Conrad Gesner wrote in 1555: ‘There are few countries where coneys do not breed, but the most plenty of all is in England.’ At about the same time Richard Hakluyt pointed that the export of black coney skins might well be increased, presumably because they sold at a premium.

Later Developments

The right to keep and kill rabbits was exclusive to the owners of free-warren. It was a valuable privilege. Most East Anglian villages had been granted free-warren by the 1280s. The rabbit did not colonize easily, and it is likely that most warrens were artificial creations. Few medieval warrens culled more than 3,000 rabbits in one year but culling generally fluctuated wildly. Henry III requested the bailiff of Guildford to send fifty rabbits to Windsor but only if the loss could be sustained.

Enclosed deer-parks were sometimes used for breeding rabbits, sometimes excluded from crops through the use of an internal ditch. A substantial deer-park at Lopham produced 300 rabbits for the Countess of Norfolk in 1386. Most warrens, although not necessarily allowing the hunting of the rabbit, had been founded by the late thirteenth century, but sometimes the rabbit (cunicularium) was subsequently added to a charter.

By 1341, there are indications that the rabbit population was thriving, with land uncultivated and crops being reported as destroyed by them. In 1391, Mildenhall, in Cambridgeshire, had lost its oat crop through such activity. There were complaints that church tithes had reduced. Poor winters in the mid-fifteenth century required warrens to be restocked.

Warreners were well paid. At Dunningworth the warrener was paid fifty-two shillings a year, while in the fifteenth century, the warrener at Ely Abbey was paid £5, but the Abbey reserved the right to dismiss him if the work was unsatisfactory. The warrener could be assisted by additional men or by a ferreter.

Revenues from the rearing of rabbits increased markedly in the fourteenth century. At Lakenheath, for example, revenue from the warren was double the revenue from wool, previously the staple product from the demesne. Exporting the skins was now ‘big’ business and there are numerous examples of enabling licences being granted by the king. John Calwere shipped 12,000 fells to Flanders in 1365, and in 1383 Collard Chierepetit exported 10,000 to Holland; William Groom and others each exported 5,000 fells of rabbits.

Poaching was a flourishing pastime as court proceedings document. In 1435, the parson of Cressingham, Norfolk, owed a £10 amercement for poaching in Swaffham. In 1425, Thomas Sherman, an Augustinian canon from Blythburgh Priory, was known as ‘a poaching canon’. Another Blythburgh canon, leased well-trained ferrets to other poachers! The poacher often used a lurcher (a greyhound/collie cross?) for poaching on open ground.

Poachers in the mid-fifteenth century had organised themselves into gangs. A Thetford gang of the 1440s, attired in ‘soldiers tunics, steel helmets, bows and arrows’, and sometimes ‘cudgels and staffs’ attacked and wounded three members of a rival gang at Elveden, Suffolk, and then ‘unjustly imprisoned’ them in the town of Thetford.

The exploitation of the rabbit in farming gives some idea of the willingness of the farmer to adapt to changing conditions. The decline in arable farming is accompanied by a corresponding increase in the rearing of rabbits, both for meat and for the skins. However, the position of the rabbit formed an important component of medieval life and its agriculture.

The early development of aeroplanes persuaded many small aspiring manufacturers to enter the industry. The manufacturers might have previously constructed furniture, or canvas tents. In 1910, Piggott Brothers Company (Limited) was one of them, Aero Pioneers (Limited) another. As proven tent manufacturers, Piggotts were involved through the construction and supply of tents or sheds, “portable canvas aeroplane sheds on hire for military manoeuvres – large number in stock”! In the same advertisement,

“The following goods are in stock for hire at Prize Contests, Flying Meetings, &c.
Judges’ Boxes, Pylons, Timber Barriers, Ropes and Stakes for Course, Canvas Screening for Ground, Signal Masts and Flags, Refreshment and Dining Tents, Sleeping Tents for Aviators and Mechanics, Temporary Lavatories, Turnstiles, Pay Boxes, Wind Gauges, Altitude Recorders, Rain Gauges, Altitude Recorders, Flags, Decorations &c., &c.”¹⁸

Although the Wright Brothers had demonstrated flying at Kitty Hawk in December 1903, enthusiasm was muted. It was following the shipping of their plane to France in 1908, that the potential for flight was realised in Europe. The range of equipment offered by Piggotts is an indication of the rapid developments that followed. At this time, Piggott Brothers were based in Bishopsgate, London.

There were pitfalls. In December 1910 Aero Pioneers (Limited) brought Piggott Brothers to court in front of Mr Justice Lawrence and a “special jury”.¹⁹ The plaintiff company had been “formed for the purpose of perfecting and exhibiting an aeroplane”. In 1909, a tent supplied on hire by Piggotts had collapsed. In the early hours of December 3, the tent was blown down in a storm with terminal consequences for the aircraft inside, the property of Aero Pioneers. The whole of the aircraft was destroyed with the exception of the engine. The sum being claimed was the loss of £523. Two of the company’s employees had been forced to rush out of the subsiding tent, clearly a rush since they were “without their clothes”.

The defendants claimed that the gale was an unusual event. The judge agreed, concluding that the storm was an act of God. Judgment was given for Piggotts with costs. Aero Pioneers appealed for judgment or a new trial.²⁰ The appeal was dismissed.

What an intriguing image this creates of the early days of competitive flying!

Thanks are due to George Bromley of Little End, Stanford Rivers, for the interesting discussions on Piggott Brothers and their entry into the aircraft industry. We hope to return to the subject in later issues.

Tercentenary

In 2002, a popular BBC television series set out to discover the Greatest Briton. From a list of 100 Great Britons, viewers were invited to make their own choice. Not easy! Who was really able to compare the merits of those in diverse spheres – between, say, Brunel, an engineer, and William Shakespeare, playwright? Choice was further limited through the restriction of the original, pre-selected list. Perhaps unsurprisingly, of the 100, only one philosopher was included — Thomas Paine, an American revolutionary and the author of The Rights of Man.

John Locke deserved his place. The philosophy and political writings of John Locke influenced the framing of the Constitution of the United States and, from today’s perspective, the evident results of this inspiration may be regarded as very considerable, even 300 years after his death. From 1691, Locke was a local resident, renting rooms in Otes, High Laver. The tercentenary of his death is next year, 2004.

John Locke

Locke was educated at Westminster School. In 1652 he followed his illustrious contemporaries, Christopher Wren and Robert Hooke, a physicist, chemist and architect, to Christ Church, Oxford. There he started a medical notebook and he was to keep such notes throughout the rest of his life. After graduating with a Bachelor of Arts, and thence to a Master’s degree in 1658, Locke was able to continue his medical studies under a college studentship. At Oxford, he later met Robert Boyle, chemist and physician. These people, within his elevated circle of friends, were to remain close to him.

Locke’s skills in the medicine of the day were considerable and frequently consulted by society. Lord Ashley was one who was successfully treated by Locke, a complaint being caused by an abscess on the liver, this was the first recorded successful treatment. Ashley, owing his life to Locke, became Lord High Chancellor of England and the First Earl of Shaftesbury in 1672. Locke was well connected.

The publication of the important philosophical writings of Locke was clustered around the period from 1689 to 1693. Two Treatises on Government was published in 1690, although almost certainly written much earlier. Again, the influential Essay Concerning Human Understanding, generally referred simply to as The Essay, the result of ideas established some twenty years earlier, was published in 1690.

Otes, High Laver

Nearing the age of 60, the poor atmosphere of London increasingly affected Locke’s health, subjected to recurrent bouts of asthma and bronchitis. Locke realised that he had to find quarters outside of the capital, and the urgency was emphasised by several of Locke’s close friends passing away in succession. Locke first asked the king to restore his studentship at Christ Church, but after realising that this would involve the expulsion of the current holder of the studentship, Locke withdrew.

In, 1691, Locke took winter quarters at Otes manor house, in High Laver, where he rented rooms from Sir Francis Masham and his wife Damaris, formerly Damaris Cudworth. She had been a friend of Locke’s for many years. The rent was set at £1 for both Locke and his manservant and 1 shilling for a horse. Otes was soon to become furnished with the scientific instruments derived from a life of enquiring endeavour, meteorological instruments, a telescope, botanical specimens and medical instruments. It may be concluded that the hosts were both understanding and generous. More so as Locke added to his library at Otes, the number of volumes in the library swelling to around 4,000.

The warmer summers allowed Locke to make frequent visits to London, indicating that he was still well enough. Wishing to remain active, in 1696 he took a post as a Commissioner for Trade and Plantations. While in High Laver, Locke continued his medical work. It was difficult for him to retire from medicine completely, as he may have wished, since his medical skills were still highly regarded. A man of his reputation would have naturally acquired a practice, which included not just the Masham family but the local community together with his remaining London circle.

. . . snails and woodlice . . .

In 1700, Locke became seriously ill, causing him to resign his official appointments. Severe asthma and bronchitis resulted in a chill, inviting a visit to Tunbridge Wells to take the spa waters. Later, he suffered violent earache and his notebooks recall both the somewhat primitive and the empirical nature of the proposed cures. A Dr Alexander Geekie proposed a large roast onion wrapped in colewort leaf, with the addition of herbs, as a poultice. In similar manner, other physicians proposed treatments to Locke for the condition, in return for the medical consultancy that Locke had provided to his numerous and influential friends. James Tyrrell advised an onion poultice, but with the addition to the application of “woman’s milk warmed” with juice of rue. Dr Guide suggested, and try this if you will, “oil of worms in which you have boiled snails and woodlice distilled and then dropped in the ear with a slice of onion or garlic”. It is recorded that the pain lessened, for whatever reason, but Locke did become deaf. Further treatments are recorded in his notes; wool rubbed with civet; beef gravy, pickled in salt; spirit of camphor, and so on.

The offending abscess burst. Geekie requested that the offending ear be cleaned with rose water, tincture of myrrh, and aloes made with brandy. He sent a silver ear trumpet, which Locke felt obliged to return. After making a full recovery, Locke delivered his portrait by Sir Godfrey Kneller to the good doctor in gratitude.

Locke’s extensive network of medical contacts enabled him to consult most of the leading physicians in England, France and Holland on the subject of his asthma. Throughout this period of failing health, Locke remained active, preparing a commentary on the Epistles of St Paul and arranging a fourth edition of his Essay. He corresponded with his usual energy but during the summer of 1704, Locke’s breathlessness persisted and his legs became swollen. He probably realised that these were signs of worsening heart failure. He made a will, dividing his library into two.

Two Halves of a Library

He died on the 28th October, 1704. His death was peaceful, with Lady Masham reading him psalms, as he had requested. He raised his hands to his eyes and died quietly. He was buried in the churchyard of All Saints, High Laver, with little show. He left £4,555 of personal property. £3,000 was bequeathed to Francis Masham, £100 to the poor of High Laver, and £100 to the parish of Publow and Pensford. His books were divided between Francis Masham and a Peter King.

However, the lasting legacy of John Locke is embodied in the establishment of one of two leading European schools of philosophy. The English philosophers, Hume and Berkeley, were to continue this British empirical philosophical tradition in the following century. The consequences of his political writing are also manifest today. In the 17th century it had been accepted that the rule of a king was accorded authority by Divine Right. Locke’s political writing argued that what existed was a social contract. The social contract was formulated between subject and ruler, with no reference to God, but with rule determined by reference to the common good. Locke also established the doctrine that the legislative, executive and judicial functions should be separate (“checks and balances”). Constitutionally, the United States followed this liberal principle almost completely with President, Congress and the Supreme Court being independent of each other.

Reverend Ralph W. Doyle (editor) turns his pen to railways . . .

“There are constant complaints about the train service and comfortless carriages – all out of date. In Germany there are better ones 4th class, and nearly all are quick, and charges not quite half what they are here.

I am also told that the L.N.E.R. Company discriminates unfairly to dwellers on the little sections of the line in regard to fares. For example, a cheap “day ticket” from Ongar to London costs 2/11. From Buckhurst Hill with its much more frequent trains any day and every day it is only1/1½ ! Is this fair? Also, when friends and strangers from London ask if there are any cheap day tickets to Ongar they are answered in a rough way: No! They are NOT told that there ARE cheap tickets to Epping which is quite near and easy, and close to the Forest that many have never seen. Is this good business Mr District Superintendent?”

While reading a book on an unrelated subject, the following macabre incident was related. The long-lasting preservative powers of honey are well known, even legendary.

“When Alexander the Great was killed in his last campaign, his body was placed in a gold coffin filled with honey for transport home and burial, Given the high cost of honey, it’s not obvious whether the preservative or the ornate coffin was the more outrageous example of conspicuous consumption. This kind of outlay on dead rulers is not limited to the Greeks and the pharaohs of Egypt: in England, the first four Earls of Southampton were also buried in honey-filled caskets — honey that was still free flowing and sweet , according to the workmen who excavated the containers centuries later …. before discovering what lay inside.”

A book, a Christmas present, can sometimes provide a lead to an unexpected local connection. In this case, the book recorded the development of the rules of sports in Britain.²⁰ In describing the development of the game of football in the mid-nineteenth century, early reference is made to Epping Forest – and the context is unexpected at least to me.

On 26 October 1863, fourteen individuals met in the Freemason’s Tavern in Great Queen Street, Covent Garden. They represented a number of organizations and clubs. As individuals they were generally from prominent public schools, as they were the emerging participants in football. The organizations attending the meeting were various and included Barnes (a club of mainly rowers), the War Office, the Crusaders, Perceval House Blackheath, Blackheath School and the Blackheath club itself, Crystal Palace and Surbiton. Another club present was the oddly titled N. N., or No Names, from Kilburn. Forest, based in Epping Forest, and the point of this note, was also represented. The public school of Charterhouse merely sent an ‘observer’. Geographically, the flavour was strongly southern, the important northern clubs being excluded!

At the time, there was no single set of rules to govern the game of football and the purpose of the meeting was to draw up a unifying code.²¹ Cambridge University, for example, played by their own Cambridge rules’, although perhaps surprisingly they did not attend the meeting. Agreed rules would allow teams to play each other under a common understanding and in comparative safety, a consideration in a game which then permitted considerable physical violence. The group’s first action was to form the Football Association (FA), ‘with the object of establishing a definite set of rules for the regulation of the game’.²² The initial draft of the code continued to allow running with the ball, tripping and hacking. thought to maintain the overtly masculine element of the game.²³ Subsequently, running with the ball and hacking were made illegal but catching the ball and claiming a free kick was still then permitted.

Forest Football Club, originally formed in 1859, was also known as Forest of Leytonstone where they appeared to be based later. However in 1864 the local link was severed when the club moved to a ground in Battersea Park, London. This move was accompanied by a change in the club name to the Wanderers, appropriately.

The club progressed to become arguably the leading club in the country, a position that was reinforced by the fact that Charles William Alcock, a member of the club, and Captain of their football team, became the Secretary of the Football Association around 1870. He is credited with being the creator of the Football Association Challenge Cup, the first knockout competition and the oldest football contest in the World. Twelve teams entered the first running of the competition, and the Wanderers became the first winners, captained by Alcock, thereby presumably fully justifying his personal support for the cup. On 16 March 1872 they defeated the captains and lieutenants of the Royal Engineers by 1-0 at the Kennington Oval.²⁴ The following year the Wanderers won again, this time beating Oxford University.

Alcock later became Chairman of the FA until 1895. It should also be noted in passing that another celebrated member of the Wanderers, A. G. Guillemard, has been referred to as the father of the Rugby Football Union. It may therefore be claimed that Epping Forest had some influence on the development of the two major sports of these islands. The link is perhaps tenuous now that the Wanderers had assumed their new title and moved away from the area, but the name of Epping is linked with the very carliest steps towards the establishment of the most popular game in the World.

TO THE PUBLIC

“The general public does not have a very frequent opportunity of seeing the Royal Air Force at work, so the annual ‘At Home’ in commemoration of the Battle of Britain not only serves to keep that historical epic in your minds, but enables you to see for yourselves how the Royal Air Force functions in peace time conditions.

The Royal Air Force cordially welcomes you to make yourselves at home and, when in doubt about any point regarding the flying or the static exhibitions, ask – not a policeman – an airman.”

The invitation is quaint. Presumably a family member had attended. The well-preserved programme, in which the above is the introduction, of the “At Home” looked to be of some interest. It struck a topical chord since over recent months television has been interested again in the Battle of Britain, stimulated by its recent 70th Anniversary. For a while, archive film of the action produced a number of new insights into the episode.

One typical result was a television documentary on the work that women pilots carried out in the field of military aviation during World War II. My early years were spent living close to the airfield of Hamble, near to Southampton, a grassy field with no runway and few pretensions. Oddly, a single-track railway line, linked with an oil installation on Southampton Water, cut off a corner of the airfield, the corner being sufficiently generous to encourage a number of pilots over the years to misjudge the landing and forfeit their undercarriage. About fifteen minutes of this documentary referred to the women aviators who were based at Hamble and who flew aircraft across the country to deliver them to stations more strategically important to the nation’s defence than Hamble. These aircraft were usually ‘repairs’ and Hamble apparently repaired 2,575 of them between 1939 and 1945! Since my mother served as secretary to the administration of this grassy field, the documentary was of considerable interest. Here the recollection is perhaps incidental, but it does perhaps explain a wider interest in airfields whose heyday was during the Battle of Britain.

The “At Home” programme provided the running order for a flying display held at the Royal Air Force Station, North Weald, on Saturday, 17th September, 1949. It detailed both the flying and the static displays, comprising bombs, guns and cannons, flying clothing, parachute packing and so on. Starting at 2.00 pm, the flying programme was to last nearly four hours. It was headed by a fly past of Spitfires from Numbers 601 and 604 Royal Auxiliary Air Force Squadrons. An aerobatic display was included. This was followed by a fly-past of Handley Page Hastings in formation, de Haviland Vampire jets, Meteros and the Hornet aircraft, a derivative of the Mosquito.

Perhaps most notably at 3.20 pm a television outside broadcast commenced. This opened with Richard Dimbleby interviewing “well-known personalities”, which included Air Chief Marshal Sir Guy Garrod and Group Captain Douglas Bader. Then followed an “operational ‘take-off’ by No. 604 Auxiliary Squadron intended to repel an imaginary attack on the airdrome” and a “Tiger Moth and Chipmunk aircraft demonstration with Wynford Vaughan Thomas broadcasting from the Tiger Moth”. Some jet Meteors attacked an “Ack-Ack” Gun Site and some paratroopers dropped from a Dakota. Various other entertainments filled the remaining television time. The outside broadcast lasted 50 minutes in total.

After the broadcast, and before the afternoon concluded, further fly-pasts took place; Photographic Reconnaissance Spitfires; a Percival Prentice trainer, with aerobatics; Avro Ansons; aerobatics with Tiger Moths; and more Spitfires and more aerobatics. After some gliding and a few ground based demonstrations by physical training teams, the “At Home” was scheduled to finish at about 6.00 pm.

All this would have provided a spectacular show for the period and BBC television played its part, remarkably. Of course, television had yet to parade the Queen’s Coronation in 1953, for many the first memorable televised occasion. More mundanely perhaps for those with long memories, the first episode of The Lone Ranger (and Tonto?) was televised two days before the North Weald display while Come Dancing, when it was simply a vehicle for a regional dance competition, and not strictly, was still to make its debut nearly two weeks later. At this time outside broadcasts were unusual. The fact that North Weald had been selected for one of these adventures, as the subject of such a transmission, emphasised the importance of the airfield show. It was one of the very early such broadcasts post-war and from the platform of the Tiger Moth, it would have presented both an electronic and a logistical challenge.

It is generally credited that one of the first live outside broadcasts after the end of WWII also had a flying theme, covering the first flight of the Brabazon aircraft. This plane was conceived as a luxurious, long-range, passenger plane. It is difficult now to conceive the size of the plane. The wing-span was 230’, or 35’ more than a Boeing 747; the fuselage was 177’ long. The date of first flight was 4th September 1949, less than two weeks before the North Weald “At Home”. Filton was the site of this debut and large crowds gathered for the flight, which was captured on film, the film being eventually recovered from its resting place in a shed. Although a second Brabazon was commissioned, it was soon realised that a large, slow aircraft, when compared to the new, expected jet airliners, carried little economic justification. It had a short life and in October 1953 all development of the Brabazon ceased. Surely hastening this closure was the first test flight of the Comet jetliner in July 1949, to be introduced to passenger service in May 1952.

So the “At Home” at North Weald Air Station, just after the first Brabazon flight and Comet introduction, must have been one of the first truly live BBC outside broadcasts after the war. The display was a blend of the pre-war and conventional Tiger Moths and a confident future Royal Air Force, represented by Meteor and Vampire jet aircraft. It was also an exciting time for an United Kingdom aircraft industry faced with the challenge of providing faster passenger transport.

Reminding the Museum at North Weald of the “At Home”, a transcript of the programme was found in an orderly file. The intention of the museum is now to write to the BBC to enquire about remaining footage of the filming.

There are probably more murders in this book than in Midsomer. Martyn Lockwood has brought together an anthology of the ‘best’ of Essex murders. The book draws on sources within the Essex Police Museum in Chelmsford. Fifteen chapters each describe either a single murder or develop several related murders of a specific type into a ‘thematic group’. These groups relate to murder in circumstances such as body snatching and witchcraft. Descriptions of a number of murders, perhaps more recent, are collected together in two later chapters in the book.

Body snatching was the only way that the demands of the increasing number of anatomy schools could be satisfied. Typically more common in urban areas, the unguarded churchyards in rural Essex were still vulnerable to the snatch, as Little Leighs experienced in 1823. Witchcraft has a celebrated tradition in Essex, usually centred on Matthew Hopkins, the self styled ‘Witchfinder General’. This tradition extended even into the reign of Queen Victoria when in 1863 an elderly man died in Sible Hedingham as a result of villagers ‘swimming’ him to determine whether he was in fact a witch. Those responsible both received six months hard labour, certainly lenient even after taking into account their mental state and their eventual but unsuccessful actions in attempting to save their victim.

A chapter is devoted to poisoning by arsenic, ‘the inheritance powder’. Its label attributed to a much-feared weapon often used by a relative or acquaintance on the way to claiming a life assurance pay-out from a deceased; in some cases the life assurance had only recently been taken out, and often in the name of a young child. It is claimed that the ingestion of one hundredth of an ounce could be sufficient to cause death, and such a small quantity would be difficult to discover, of course. However, a reliable test for the detection of arsenic poisoning, developed by a Dr Marsh in the 1830s, would lead to a slow decrease in the popularity of arsenic use as the crime became more easily detectable. Changes in the law attempted to limit its availability; for example, the 1851 Sale of Arsenic Act required white arsenic to be mixed with a colouring agent, soot or indigo, to make it more difficult to introduce the powder into food without suspicion.

Comparing the crimes, trials and the sentencing of offenders, as described in the book, allows general conclusions to be drawn, as follows:
i) It is evident that sentencing was heavy but the examples quoted seem to indicate that capital punishment appears to have had limited deterrence. Its ultimate severity as a punishment resulted in a penalty that was often commuted to life imprisonment, hard labour or transportation.

ii) Examples of legislation often demonstrated reasoned attempts to adapt to changing circumstance. The restrictions, placed on the use and purchase of arsenic, demonstrate a range of reactive and resourceful measures.

iii) Without modern standards in the collection of forensic evidence, courtroom deliberations were largely dependent on witness evidence. Examples are given in the book where a crime without witness sometimes carried no safe conviction.

iv) In a number of cases, suspects absconded. It seems surprising that they could be re-arrested, sometimes apparently very efficiently even within England. Presumably the suspect would be prominent in any new locality. The arrest of suspects was generally quick and ‘justice’ followed without delay.

Martyn Lockwood is already well known through his work in the Essex Police Museum. This is an interesting addition to his successes, a book with plenty of background facts to ponder. We should congratulate our Secretary, and Journal Editor for his industry. Doubtless he will be asked to return to the subject for a further talk based on the topics raised in the book.

An entry in Domesday Book5

of 1086 records the existence of a mill
in Greensted. The entry appears under the Hundred of Ongar, and
within the estate of a landowner named Hamo the Steward. Within a
longer entry for the parish, it is stated that:
“…. [There is] woodland for 400 pigs. [There are] 16 acres of
meadow. [There is] now 1 mill ….”
In total, the woodland of Greensted supported 520 pigs. Domesday
woodland in East Anglia was measured according to its capacity to
support pigs, fed from the available acorns and beech mast. This
method of estimating the value of woodland would have been quick,
and maybe more relevant to the intended purpose of Domesday, than
assessing area in acres since the number of pigs would have been
known closely. Pigs may be translated to a measurement of area if it
is assumed that one pig required roughly one acre of woodland. This
conversion from pigs to acres can only be a rule of thumb, but there
is some analyses to justify this, based on otherwise quantified
acreages of woodland within Essex6

. Therefore, the woodland in
Greensted may have amounted to around 500 acres, leading to the
conclusion that Greensted was considerably more wooded then than
it is today.
Domesday records not only the condition and structure of a
settlement, but also the changes in the settlement during the 20 years
of the Norman Conquest, between 1066 and 1086. Thus the mill was
in existence at Domesday, but the use of “now” in the entry implies
that it was built during and not before the Norman Conquest. About
one in three settlements in Essex were recorded as having a mill7
. A
few of these places are recorded as possessing a fraction of a mill,
generally the result of sharing a mill with a neighbouring settlement.
Other settlements possessed several mills, Ham, now East and West
Ham, was even recorded as having eight mills, just one less than
existed twenty years before.
Analysis of the sites of these mills suggests that all the mills were
watermills, invariably aligned along watercourses. Darby states that
the distribution of these mills is sometimes a puzzle, with some of
the larger settlements being without a mill, suggesting that some
mills might not have been noted.
A later reference to a mill in Greensted is to be found in the Calendar
of Inquisitions Post Mortem of 1349. Such inquisitions were set up to
establish the extent and ownership of an estate following the death of
a tenant-in-chief, holding an estate directly from the king. The
inquest was held before a jury of twelve local men of high standing.
During this process, the inheritance of the estate would have been
confirmed. The entry of the inquest into the estate of Robert
Burghcher (Bourchier) includes property in Grenestede:
“Greenestede. A messuage, 60a land, 8a. meadow, 15a. pasture, a
wood, and l9s. 3 1/2d. rent, a watermill, a windmill, and pleas &c. of
court, with the advowson of the church, held of Ralph, baron of
Stafford, as of the manor of Aungre, service not known.”
A “messuage” is a homestead. The “advowson” carries the right to
appoint a priest to a benefice, usually associated with a parish
church. A watermill still operates and a windmill has now been
added to the estate.

Greensted is a small parish. One stream passes along the length of
the parish, forming the border of the parish before entering the
Cripsey Brook at the E end of the parish. The position of the
watermill on this stream is easily determined from the existing
landscape. Extensive alterations must have taken place to change the
course of the stream. The distance from the Hall to the site of the mill
is about 200 yards. Since there is no other evidence of a watermill on
the stream, this site is likely to be the Domesday site.
The details of the site of the Mill have changed, as shown on recent
OS series maps. The current topography confirms the construction of
the millpond and defines the millrace, together with the development
of a banked island, possibly for the actual site of the mill itself. There
is a noticeable drop in the stream at this point, so much so that
previous owners of Greensted Hall have constructed small waterfalls
by the addition of groups of stones in the stream. The site is now well
wooded, more so than shown in the OS survey of c.1870, and the site
is obscured.
My thanks are due to Mrs Clare Cox for the tour of the site.

As it appeared that all records from the Piggott Brothers long history had been lost or destroyed, it was a surprise to come across a sales catalogue of the company among other items. The catalogue is hardbound in a red cover. It is undated, although the dates of the complimentary letters and news of exhibition medals, which are included, would seem to indicate a date of about 1888. The volume runs to 263 pages. It is divided into the various business interests of the company; marquees and tents; camping equipment; harness and saddlery; flags and banners; gymnastics and sports.

Before Piggotts’ moved to Stanford Rivers, they occupied the address 57, 58, & 59, Bishopsgate Street, Without, London. The company also owned store facilities in Plough Yard, Shoreditch, and a factory in Spitalfields. The proximity of the showroom to Liverpool Street Station allowed the company to sell a wide range of goods matched to a prosperous clientele drawn from London and the commuters and railway travellers of the period. The list of prestigious customers conveys a snapshot of European royalty in the late nineteenth century with Her Majesty the Queen of England and Empress of India, His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Germany, His Imperial Majesty the Sultan of Turkey, and His Serene Highness the Khedive of Egypt mentioned among others.

In printed testimonials, customers expressed their satisfaction, but the tributes also give some idea of the range of the business at that time. From testimonials, we read from the Blackburn Corporation; “I have much pleasure in stating that the large Marquee and Grand Stand, to seat 5,000 persons, erected by you . . . . on the occasion of the visit of their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Wales . . . . was carried out to the entire satisfaction of the Committee. I may also add that the Princess commented favourably upon its splendid appearance.” A William Boyce comments; “Did people but know the saving in household labour that is gained by using your Tents, there is no one, I feel certain, but would use them for dancing &c., in preference to their drawing rooms.” Robert Overman, referring to the “civil and respectable conduct of your [Piggotts’] servants” adds “I regret that I cannot call them by their names, and all that they did for us on your behalf might be equalled, but not surpassed.”

From the above it may be deduced that the main business of the company was the sale and hire of tents. Indeed, the catalogue illustrates and provides prices for tents in a large number of designs in a range of sizes. The ‘Mildmay Tent’, supplied to and used by the Emperor William II of Germany, was for both “Camping and Sporting purposes” and at a price of £21 was of superior quality. No doubt more aptly named, was the ‘Boating or Canoeing Tent’ the ‘Gipsy or Emigrant’s Tent’, the ‘Prospecting or Engineer’s Tent’, and the decorative ‘Bathing Tent’, of course. ‘The Czarina Tent’ must have appeared a little racy in red and white stripes, but there might have been little call for the seemingly elaborate ‘Crusader Tent’, “supported on lances of the early period”!

Most interesting is ‘The Expanding Balloon Tent” (figure 1). Although we are now familiar with such tents, it is perhaps a surprise to find such tents on sale so long ago. A statement that English and Foreign patents had been granted to a Captain in the Royal Navy would suggest that this tent was a recent innovation. For a price of less than £10, a tent of diameter 10ft. could be bought. Among the advantages listed, the tent is stated to be light-tight and “perfect for Photographic Development”.

As already noted, Piggotts’ sold other goods apart from tents and camping equipment. Sports goods appeared fully in their catalogue. Six years after the Australian victory at the Oval, after which the tradition of the Ashes was atarted, England cricketers despite the presence of W. G. Grace were still having a hard time against the Australians. For their part, Piggotts’ satisfied all cricket requirements with bats and batting gloves, cricket nets and cricket “telegraphs” (better known now as scoreboards) down to boxwood mallets. John Wisden’s ‘Cricketers Almanack’ could be bought for one shilling (5p.) – copies in good condition from that era now sell for more than £1,000! Cricket sets for women could also be purchased.

Football, a game still in its relative infancy, had just staged the first FA Cup – won by Preston North End who in so doing completed the Cup and League double. Piggotts’ offered football shirts, ‘knickers’, ankle guards and boots, apparently “very light, and [which] do not in the slightest degree interfere with the free action of the foot” (figure 2). A fashionable line in ‘striped German Jerseys’ also sold in a ‘slender fitting’ at 2s. 9d.. The ‘Challenge Football’ is “the most perfect ball ever introduced” and the ball “will outlast three ordinary balls, and will not lose shape or increase in weight in wet weather”. It cost just 13s. 6d.. The ball had apparently been used in three recent, important football matches played at the Oval.

The first of the modern Olympic Games were still eight years away, but twenty-four pages of the catalogue are devoted to gymnastics equipment. There was no computerised running or rowing machines, of course, but there were plenty of clubs to swing and a variety of wooden contraptions for vaulting, lifting and climbing. The range of equipment suggests an obsession by the late Victorians for physical fitness. There is the ‘Reliable’ horizontal bar, which is adjustable at little less than £7 (an unreliable horizontal bar would presumably have been much cheaper!) You could even buy a complete gymnasium with frames, horizontal bars, parallel bars, giant strides, ladders, trapezes, see-saws and numerous ropes and swings. Most of the gymnasts, illustrated using the equipment, are equipped with a distinctive moustache typical of the period, of course.

Any company that had traded for more than two centuries, as Piggotts’ has done, must have been nimble in reacting to changing fashions and market opportunities. Piggotts’ were to attempt to diversify their business in the period around 1910 by entering into the challenging and rapidly expanding aero industry. Having made tented hangars for housing the experimental aircraft that were being developed within the United Kingdom at the time, they entered aircraft manufacturing themselves. Although this seems like a dramatic step to take, their competitors were similarly short on experience. Nevertheless the move would have presented various contrasting technical challenges. The impression created from the catalogue of Piggott Brothers from this period is of a lively, adventurous company, willing to compete across a wide front over fashionable and substantial business areas.

Kemble, James, Essex Place-Names: Places, Streets and People, (Historical Publications Ltd., 2007), 160pp, £14.95.

Place-names express an attribute of their place of origin. These attributes follow some general formations. Names may relate to habitation; thus Wix is simply derived from the Saxon wic, or dairy farm, the local type of habitation, and maybe records a notably productive farming area. The people who lived in the feld, or open country around Finchingfield, were Finc’s people. The derivation frequently relates to animals, maybe those residing locally and probably in uncommonly large numbers; Rettendon is derived from raett dun, a rat-infested hill; Borley from bar leah, a boar wood or clearing. Vegetation is represented in Birchanger, bierce hangar, birch-covered hanging or sloping ground; golde hangra, for a marigold covered slope at Goldhanger; Oakley, from ac leah, oak-tree wood. All these examples are drawn from Essex Place-Names by James Kemble.

A locality becomes associated with a word or expression that once described and now defines the place. Finc’s people have long gone, the boar has been extinct in England for over 300 years, until recent reintroduction that is, and the marigolds are doubtless less prominent than in earlier times, but the labels still persist. Place-names acquire their longevity easily. There is an inbuilt disinclination to change the name of a place, when to do so would remove it from maps and render the place itself anonymous albeit temporarily. In England, their persistence must also be aided both by a national adherence to tradition and to a rich history. The study of place-name is an integral aspect of local historical research as well as being an absorbing fascination.

The source, meaning and classification of Essex place-names are the subjects of this book. At its core, the book contains a gazetteer of parish, manor and river names, as quoted above. This is supplemented by a similar list of street, road and local names. These lists do not attempt to be exhaustive but the main themes are illustrated. Preceding these lists, several essays provide background and comment on the main sources and influences on names; influences from the Saxon period; Norman names as recorded, for example, in Little Domesday Book, a source so informative for Essex and East Anglia; those names that refer back to French estates, such as Mountfitchet: estate charters and the Essex royal forests, both estates and forests sometimes being accompanied by descriptive and detailed perambulations of their boundaries; and lesser field and minor place-names. The book is completed by lists, which classify some of the place-names according to their origin, Celtic, Scandinavian and Pagan derivations, and those with natural sources from animals, trees and plants, for example.

So where does the book fit in the literature of place-names? The Cambridge Dictionary of English Place-Names is the authoritative work covering all names in a particular OS road atlas. It is England and it comes at a price. The Place-Names of Essex by Reaney is assiduous in listing in detail the changing representation of a wide selection of Essex names. The works of Margaret Gelling should also be mentioned in passing. However, these books are for the specialist and research purposes. The present volume is aimed at the general reader, and his pocket. The expectation is that he or she on reading will become enthused by the study of place-names, either in a particular locality or more widely in Essex. The essays in the book serve to introduce the issues on which a more advanced interest can be developed. The author has taken an independent approach so there are some discrepancies in interpretation with the Cambridge dictionary, indicating a continuing lively dialogue in the subject. Freely illustrated with Essex photographs and prints the book is a useful contribution to Essex lore.

This small but heavily illustrated book is loaded with facts about aviation in Essex. It attempts to show the influence of the county on the development of aviation prior to the Second World War. There are several themes; the introduction of balloon flights; the early days of the manufacture of aircraft (some of which flew) following the Wright Brothers visit to Europe and prior to World War I; the airborne contest with the Zeppelins in that war; the setting up of the RFC and RAF; the use and allocation of the ‘flying grounds’ or airfields throughout the county; the amazing growth in leisure flying, joy riding and the travelling air circuses; Hillman Airways and the first steps in commercial flying; the military preparation for World War II; and the colourful personalities that were involved in flying throughout the period, and so on.

And that is the problem with the book! There are fascinating stories here, all of which deserve a fuller consideration. Worse, the ordering of the material is chronological so all these themes are run together making the text at best hard to follow, at worst confusing. Unfortunately, because the author has sought to make the book comprehensive, and include all necessary details, the book reads rather as a catalogue. This may be acceptable if references lead the reader to other sources, or if comprehensive indexing allows details to be recovered, but both are sadly missing.

There is a further difficulty. In general, flying is not constrained by county boundaries. What was the actual relevance of Essex to a flying circus that happened to visit the county, or to a celebrity who just crossed the county boundary? How did this assist Essex in its race for the skies? The inclusion of such details expands the scope of the book without the book really having time to add to the reader’s understanding.

There might be further concern over the reliability of some of the facts. For example, again referring to Piggott Brothers as one of the few Essex manufacturers:

“The small and sleepy village of Stanford Rivers, to the south of Chipping Ongar, might be considered to be one of the more unlikely places in the county to be the site of manufacture of several aeroplanes during 1910 to 1912 but it was at this village that Piggott Brothers and Co Ltd of Bishopsgate Street, London decided to enter the world of aviation.”

Unlikely, definitely, since their current premises functioned as the Ongar Union Workhouse until 1930!

So the author has tried to write a short, popular introduction to the subject. It is not a comfortable read but it will enable the reader to narrow his search further into Essex aviation books, focusing on just one of the interesting themes introduced; Zeppelins, landing grounds, etc. As suggested at the outset of this review, the many illustrations form the most entertaining part of the book. They are well chosen to support the text.

The Annual General Meeting of the High Country History Group will be held on Thursday, 24 March 2011, commencing at 8.00pm.

Following the AGM, we intend to hold an evening where members have the opportunity to contribute. We have hosted a number of these before; one remembers evenings on the theme of “My Favourite Ancestor” and “The Fifties”, for example.

Following such evenings held in earlier years, one or two short, prepared presentations will kick off the evening. In “School Days”, members might pursue at least two separate lines; maybe with no local link, general changes in member’s experience of the methods of schooling; and recollections of actual teaching in the High Country. So under the first theme, discipline or the teaching of arithmetic might be considered, while under the second theme members might wish to shed light on the village school during the war, and its aftermath, and the eventual closure of the school in Stanford Rivers. How has schooling changed in Stanford Rivers?

So please come to the evening with a story, reminiscence, idea or some other contribution on the topic. Everyone has had some contact with education. A little thought should be enough to rekindle some experience of “School Days” to bring to the meeting. Recollections may be postive, perhaps even rose-coloured, remembering perhaps a close-knit community involved in the life of the village school, or they might be controversial and aggrieved in relating to the loss associated with the school’s closure.

Many members will have strong opinions on modern teaching. In the wider view, education seems to be on a merry-go-round. Educational development seems constant yet national standards are seem as slipping when measured against those of other nations. What part has the Stanford Rivers village school played in this over the years of member’s memories.

Please, come along to “School Days”!

Oh yes, and please do not forget the AGM together with the usual refreshments.

Doug Burton, a member of the High Country History Group, dropped in to me a small collection of medals, photographs and sports programmes. The collection all relates to the interest in competitive cycling of Doug’s great-uncle, Bert Burton.

From the medals and programmes, Bert Burton was a keen amateur cyclist around the period 1908-12. He entered a number of events at local sports meetings; the Saffron Walden Friendly Societies’ Athletic Sports and Flower Show; the Athletic Sports at the Harlow and District Floral and Horticultural Society; Hertford Town Fete Athletic Meeting and the Bishop’s Stortford Athletic and Bicycle Club, Athletic Meeting. The programmes for these meetings, circa 1910, are well produced, informative and demonstrate a sense of the ceremonial. Judged from these programmes and from the organizations that accompanied them, they were well-attended local events that generated interest from outside the club itself.

The Sports Meeting at the Epping Cycling and Athletic Club is typical and demonstrates considerable formality. There are numerous stewards, named and organized under various categories including the judges, timekeeper and starter, stewards to control the gates and enclosures, and the Telegraph Board Steward. Racing began at two-o-clock with two heats of the men’s Two Mile Cycle Handicap. Bert Burton competed in heat 1, not as the scratch man but in second place, 140 yards ahead of S. F. Bailey. The handicapper also reckoned that Bert justified an advantage of 100 yards ahead of the fastest man from heat two. Three from each heat were to qualify for the final, held after a rest of about 40 minutes, the winner receiving a cup and salad bowl, with second and third winning a cruet and handbag, respectively.

Event 2 was a 100 yards flat race. There were 15 entrants, again organized into two heats, with three from each again going into a final. Domestic equipment, for example a butter dish, was usually given to the first three in the final; such prizes would avoid any controversy involved in disputed amateurism or professionalism. This sprint race was followed by the Epping Tradesmen’s Race, a one-mile handicap, for which there were only seven entrants and just two prizes accordingly.

A variety of athletic and cycling events filled the afternoon in quick succession. There was the Half-Mile Cycle Handicap, the One-Mile Flat Handicap, the American Boot Race, the One-Mile Cycle Handicap, a 200 yards school-boys’ race, the One Lap Flat Handicap, a Cycle Fruit Race, the Half-Mile Novice Cycle Handicap, the One Mile Walking Handicap, and the final event, the Five Mile Championship. The latter was the main event since the winner was to be known as Champion of the Club, and was the recipient of a gold medal. Conditions for the American Boot Race and the Cycle Fruit Race, presumably novelty races, were to be announced “on the Ground”. And throughout, the Epping Town Band played on with an advertised programme of music.

The medals are heavy, decorative and handsome. They record some of Bert’s competitive times; 10 miles in 28 m 32 ½ s at the Tolgate Club, 43 m 45 s for fifteen miles at the same club, and 25 miles in 1 h 16 m 7 s at Bishop’s Stortford. Perhaps these times are overshadowed by the equivalent times of the present day, but then so was the equipment then in use overtaken by modern racing bikes. As an example, the gearing of racing bikes was allowed only in the 1930’s; previously only two speed bicycles had been permitted. Two speeds were achieved by having one sprocket wheels, one on each side of the rear wheel. To change the gearing, the rear wheel was detached and the wheel turned round to allow engagement with the other sprocket.

Doug has a few photographs of Bert in racing strip. One of these shows Bert posing next to a table, covered with a heavy cloth, on which are displayed his recent prizes. The photo’ has been carefully posed in a corner of the garden; the stance strongly suggests that the cyclist has just cycled through the hedge! The handlebars are dropping and, as the bike has a ‘fixed wheel’, there are no brakes. Thoughtfully a bell is retained on the handlebars. Mudguards have been left off.

Now, a century ago, the period in which Bert raced was an exciting one for competitive cycling; as one contemporary example of this, the first Tour de France was held in 1903. Nationally, Great Britain had been successful at the Olympic Games in 1908 in London, winning 56 gold medals. This was more than half of the total of 110 to be won (we were at home, of course) but in the cycling, Great Britain did proportionately better being victorious in winning five of the seven events. This success at national level was reflected at local level in the sporting shows staged in the area. The many local cycling events, often supported by a programme of athletics, were a result of the high enthusiasm in cycling at the time. There is much current argument and controversy about the likely legacy of the forthcoming 2012 Olympics. Was Bert’s interest in cycling attributable to the legacy of the first London Olympics? Whatever the spur may have been, Bert was a successful participant in the competitive part of the ‘bicycle craze’.

The article by Michael Leach in the previous issue of this Journal illuminated a little known tale of some panels of local stained glass. The story outlined the travels of the glass fragments from a window of St Andrew’s church, Greensted, to New Zealand and their intended return many years later in 1870. The return journey was not completed because the ship that was entrusted with the glass, the Challenger, is recorded as being lost in 1871; the crew and passengers were saved but the glass has never been recovered.

The article perhaps suggests a closer look at some more of the stained glass in the High Country. As a first example, look at the figure in the lower right of the east window in St Margaret’s, Stanford Rivers. The figure is Caedmon. Caedmon occupies, despite his rustic demeanour and his modest place in the window, a unique position in the history of English literature.

Caedmon was attached to the double monastery of Streonæshalch (Whitby Abbey) during the abbacy of St. Hilda (614–680, abbess from 657). He was an Anglo-Saxon whose work was as a herdsman in the monastery. He was said to be ignorant of “the art of song”, and probably illiterate, but his fortunes were to change overnight, literally. The learned 8th-century monk, Bede, has recorded his story in his Historia. One night in a visionary dream, Caedmon learned to compose poetry. The monks of the abbey duly wrote down the details of the vision. His skill developed and he started to put into English verse passages that were translated from the scriptures. In due course Caedmon became an elderly and respected monk. Although not a saint, he was acknowledged as being very saintly; his actual death was said to be particularly so.

What is Caedmon’s place in English literature? Cædmon is one of only twelve Anglo-Saxon poets identified in medieval sources. Furthermore, he is one of only three for whom both biographical information and examples of literary output have survived. His only known surviving work is Cædmon’s Hymn, a nine-line vernacular praise poem in honour of God, which he supposedly learned to sing in his initial dream. The poem is one of the earliest attested examples of Old English It is also one of the earliest recorded examples of sustained poetry in a Germanic language.

It would not be appropriate to omit the surviving work of Caedmon. It appears in several dialects. As may be anticipated from its historical significance, the hymn has been thoroughly studied and analysed by students. It presents an opportunity for you also to practice your Old English.

Caedmon’s Hymn in Old English

nu scylun hergan hefaenricaes uard
metudæs maecti end his modgidanc
uerc uuldurfadur swe he uundra gihwaes
eci dryctin or astelidæ
he aerist scop aelda barnum
heben til hrofe haleg scepen.
tha middungeard moncynnæs uard
eci dryctin æfter tiadæ
firum foldu frea allmectig

Caedmon’s Hymn in Modern English translation

Now [we] must honour the guardian of heaven,
the might of the architect, and his purpose,
the work of the father of glory – as he the beginning of wonders
established, the eternal lord,
He first created for the children of men
heaven as a roof, the holy creator
Then the middle earth, the guardian of mankind
the eternal lord, afterwards appointed
the lands for men, the Lord almighty.

The reference to Caedmon in the St Andrew’s memorial window presents an image of a farmer of livestock, with a literary interest, maybe an especial interest in poetry? Does it also suggest a farmworker who rose from less modest beginnings to become a successful farmer.

The state of local roads has always given rise to problems. The first attempt to improve the maintenance of roads through legislation dates from 1555⁹. In that year the office of surveyor of the highways was created through an Act of Parliament. Local Justices of the Peace were required to appoint a surveyor each year at Easter and men of the parish were then required to contribute labour and materials towards the restoration of the highways. There were two categories of contribution; broadly, landowners were to supply one cart with oxen, horses etc. and two men four times a year; individual householders and labourers were to provide their own labour also on those days. Defaulters were to be penalised. The labour that was legally required was known as ‘statute labour’ – it was hardly a passing fad since the law relating to ‘statute labour’ continued until 1835-36.

In operation, it was clear that this simple division of the supplied effort was only crudely means-tested, in current terminology, and hence was judged to be unfair. A further Highways Act of 1576 extended the labour qualification rules of the earlier Act in the interest of correcting the imbalance. The poor state of the roads continued and this system of maintenance was found wanting.

An alternative scheme was to charge the users of the road. The revenue that was then raised was used to directly maintain the road. The first turnpike¹ was set up in 1663 under the Turnpike Act, and covered a 15 mile stretch of the Great North Road from Wadesmill to Royston. This must have been regarded as experimental in some sense, since it was not until 1696 that a second turnpike was instigated. Thereafter turnpikes were introduced with increasing frequency until by 1750 most major routes had been covered in this manner. The most active period for the formation of turnpike trusts was the period between 1751 and 1772.

A succession of acts followed from the first Turnpike Act. Some of these were required to set up individual Turnpike Trusts, but some attempted to directly restrict the damage done to the road by the traffic. This objective was followed using a number of strategies; limiting the number of horses in draught to six, except up a hill, this number being subsequently reduced to five; requiring ‘fellies’¹² typically to be more than nine inches in width; prohibiting the use of horses at length, rather than in pairs; limiting the breadth of a cart, by limiting the width at the wheelbase. These acts allowed full rein to invention; ‘bevelled’ wheels, which were even more damaging to a road surface, were used to confound the restriction on the width of the fellies; axle-trees were bent, when the wheels were not perpendicular so that a cart could be wider than the width of the wheels at base.

The Act of Parliament, which created the Epping Highway Trust, came into force on the first Monday in May in 1769. The Act specified the repair of “the road from the north part of Harlow Bush Common, in the parish of Harlow to Woodford, in the County of Essex”. The Act sought to provide for the incorporation of earlier relevant legislation into the new Act, and was to continue for twenty-one years. Many local Justices of the Peace, appointed to be trustees, are listed in the body of the Act. The qualification of the trustees and their conduct is clearly defined.

The trustees were empowered both to retain existing turnpikes and tollhouses and to construct new ones. The tolls were precisely calculated; in detail they were to be determined as follows:

“For every coach, chariot, chaise or calash¹³, drawn by one pair of horses, mares, geldings, or mules, six pence; and drawn by four horses, mares, geldings, or mules, nine pence; and drawn by six horses, mares, geldings, or mules, one shilling.

For every chaise drawn by one horse, mare, gelding, or mule, three pence;

For every cart drawn by one horse, mare, gelding, or mule, or ass, if a-breast, eight pence; and drawn by more than one horse, mare, gelding, or mule, or ass, at length, six pence;

For every cart drawn by three or more horses, mares, geldings, mules, or asses, nine pence;

Fore every wagon or wain, one shilling;

For every horse, mare, gelding, or mule, or ass, laden or unladen, and not drawing, one penny;

For oxen or neat cattle, ten pence per score; and so in proportion for a greater or less number;

For sheep, calves, and swine, five pence per score; and so in proportion for a greater or less number.”

It may be concluded from the above toll listing that a scale had been drawn up where a toll was closely proportionate to the damage done to the highway. Failure to pay a toll would result in the seizing of animals, goods and chattels, with subsequent sale, if the toll is unpaid after four days; any over-recovery of the toll would be refunded, less any costs incurred! Tolls would only be paid once in any day.

The Act was well and comprehensively drafted, but it was not the first such act, of course. Several clauses in the Act refer to reprehensible practices to avoid payment. Such practices include forgery of toll tickets, the taking away or subsequent addition of horses etc. in order to reduce the toll. Assaulting or obstructing the collectors in the levying of the tol! was to be punished by a fine of five pounds over and above any other costs. Other provisions made by the act include permitting the trustees to raise credit against future toll revenues; allowing extraction of gravel and making safe the resulting gravel pit; empowering surveyors to top and lop trees; allowing the building of causeways, bridges and temporary roads; consenting to the undertaking of statute work by persons within the parishes through which the highway passes; levying fines for the defacing of milestones (for which the penalty was two pounds for each incident, with “a moiety” going to any informer).

At a meeting of the Trustees on June 19, 1786, a petition was received from the inhabitants of North Weald Basset “praying the trustees to extend the powers of the said Act [of 1769] and carry the Epping turnpike road through their parish, and so towards Chelmsford … ” At a subsequent meeting the Trustees resolved unanimously to proceed with the request, but apparently the state of the road was likely to result in burdensome maintenance. Accordingly, the Trustees requested the renewal of the Epping Turnpike Act “upon proper terms and conditions” but it was not intended to extend the road past the Four-wants-way in Shelley. However, when intentions were known, the Trustees of Essex Roads made no objections to creating a new turnpike road from Epping through to Chelmsford.

The cost of the new road was anticipated to be high and the provision to make higher tolls was requested. The parish of Writtle was absolved from paying tolls for just the journey into Chelmsford provided that the parish of Writtle maintained the road in good order at parish expense; no toll between Writtle and Chelmsford was to be levied. With other objections satisfied the turnpike was set up. The progressive and piecemeal straightening of the A414 road between North Weald and Chelmsford has masked the original course of the turnpike, which served its purpose for more than 200 years.

By 1829, the number of such trusts had reached over 1,000 and 22,000 miles of road were covered within Britain. Approximately 7,000 gates provided the opportunity to pay a toll. The last turnpike trust was created in 1836 on a short length of road in Hastings.

It may be said that problems associated with the maintenance of roads in the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries have close and interesting parallels with the present. Road congestion, rather than maintenance, now provides the motivation for road pricing. The London congestion charge, with its exemptions, and the introduction of motorway tolls are close echoes of the turnpike system.

Piggott Brothers

The carly years of the nineteenth century were an exciting time for a burgeoning aviation industry. Piggott Brothers & Co., Limited were one of the companies involved.²⁹ Piggotts supplied tenting for housing aircraft, and an incident regarding this activity has been reported in a previous issue of this joumal. The incident was an accident where one of Piggotts’ tents blew down and severely damaged a plane within the tent. A subsequent court case brought by the plane’s owners sought recompense against Piggotts. This court case, together with examples of contemporary advertising in journals, demonstrated the position of the company in the new marketplace. However, this involvement went further into the industry.²¹

Piggotts also developed and manufactured two aircraft. Whilst the production of hangars was quite consistent with their usual business in canvas and tents, the construction of aircraft was not and would appear to have been a significant departure from their usual work. However. during this carly period of growth the industry was immature and many new entrants were drawn into the field, willing to take up the engineering challenge and, of course, spurred by the attraction of future revenues for those successful. Piggotts would already have contacts in the field.

The theoretical principles of flight were in their relative infancy and the apparent absence of any conventions permitted an amazing variety of aircraft designs. These designs embodied an assortment of innovative detail, and Piggotts’ aircraft were no exception. Much of this appears fanciful today, but at the time it must have been a stimulating, and sometimes dangerous, activity in which to be a pioneer.

A Biplane

Piggott Brothers accepted the challenge early in 1910.²² Presumably with little relevant background, they found it necessary to use the services of a skilled aircraft engineer and Mr S. C. Parr was engaged. A biplane was the result of the collaboration. An carly description was published in Flight of 21 May 1910. Plan and clevation views of the plane are shown in figures 1 and 2.²³ The Flight article notes the forthcoming trials of the plane and recommends that Piggotts “should be watched with extreme interest”. The design was “in cvery way uncommon”, but noteworthy overall was the great size with the wingspan of 60ft (18.28m), necessary to achieve the aim to carry a passenger alongside the pilot. The length of the plane was 34 ft (10.36m), The design owed much to the work of Frederick William Lanchester, one of the greatest thinkers in acronautics of his day, thus ensuring that the basic rules of flight for flying machines were observed. Apart from the size, the major aspect of the design was the general use of aluminium in the construction.²⁴ The two propellers, mounted in-line. in tandem, were comparatively large with diameters of 13ft 6in (4.10m) and 8ft 2in (2.50m), for the forward and aft propellers, respectively. They were constructed of two sheets of pressed aluminium joined together, The weight saved would have been important when the power-to-weight ratio of the engine was low, and the pilot, and maybe a passenger, was a necessary dead weight.

It may be thought that the wings of the aircraft would have been canvas covered, in keeping with the tent business of Piggotts, but canvas was too heavy for the purpose. Instead the covering utilised a waterproofed. fireproofed cotton fabric -“special Piggott”, Jane’s adds – and when dressed the fabric weighed just 3’/4 oz per sq yd. The total weight of the plane was slightly over half a ton.

The propeller mechanism was judged by Flight to be “uncommon”. The propellers were driven by a chain mechanism through a differential gear, which automatically maintained an cqual load on both forward and aft propellers. The gear gave rise to the propellers being contra-rotating! Their size also required that they were controlled by a clutch, and in this case a leather friction clutch was employed similar to that used on cars of the period.

Larkhill Trials

The plane was entered in the Larkhill Trials of 15 July, 1912. The trials were a demonstration of aircraft submitted for adoption by the Royal Flying Corps (RFC).²⁵ The entries were judged according to their speed. rate of climb, gliding capability, ability to land in a ploughed field with furrows 6in deep, ease of starting through the swinging of the propellers, and the time and ease required for the dismantling of the aircraft. Control on the ground was a further requirement, presumably for the safety of onlookers. Some idea of the leisurely pace of flying at the time is conveyed by the ability of the tractor biplane entered by Edwin Alliot Verdon Roe to stop inside 45m when landing into a 14mph headwind.²⁶

Only five of the entries were totally British and the trials were international. A total of thirty-one machines competed including Piggott Brothers Tractor Biplane. It was then fitted with a 35hp Anzani engine, but the plane had easily the lowest power of all the entries. Parr was the pilot. It was not unusual in this early period in the development of aviation to experience an accident, usually referred to as a ‘smash’. One of the entries of Samuel Franklin Cody, an energetic American flier. was retired after hitting a stray cow. However, this was not the only entry from Cody and a Cody biplane won the competition, with a Deperdussin monoplane in second place. Despite his win, the RFC and the War Office did not select Cody’s aircraft for adoption. Instead, they chose the B.E.I made by the Royal Aircraft Factory, and following the trials the manufacture of this aircraft was put out to manufacturing contract.²⁷ Little of the subsequent history of the Piggott Brothers biplane was heard subsequently.

A Monoplane

Piggott Brothers also built a monoplane. The plane was displayed at the Olympia Aero Show of 1911.²⁸ The plane was remarkable for being aerodynamic. It was possibly the first aircraft in the United Kingdom and maybe even the first in the world to exhibit such an advance – probably the result of the manufacturer being skilled in tentage and using the Piggott “special” fabric covering. The pilot and passenger(s) were completely enclosed and a door permitted access. The pilot looked through a small window, before the use of perspex, and slits in the fuselage were provided for the passengers.

The degree of streamlining may be judged by the mounting of the radiator above the pilot’s cabin and conformal with the fuselage surface. The four-wheeled undercarriage was not covered, contrasting with the neat cven futuristic, fuselage and wing appearance. A notable safety feature was the duplication of the plane’s control wires. Power was obtained from a four-cylinder 80hp Vivinus engine. The plane had a span of 30ft 6in and length of 24ft 6in. The plane had been designed to carry a load of 550lb on an empty weight of 8501b.

There appears to be doubt about whether the plane flew. Piloted by S. C. Parr it was reported to have left the ground at Hendon in November 1911, but the under-carriage was damaged during the trial. Early in 1912 the landing gear was rebuilt abd strengthened but there appear to be no further reports of flight. It has been suggested that the rudder was very small, insufficient to allow controlled flight.

Footnote

Piggott Brothers adventure into the field of aviation was notable even in a period of rapid technical advance achieved by a growing number of parallel manufacturers. It was a fascinating period. Their major contribution may well have been the introduction acrodynamic design and manufacture. This short article is not the final word on the subject; it is ‘work in progress’. However, it is understood that the records of Piggott Brothers’ were incinerated many years ago.

Acknowledgement

Thanks are again due to George Bromley whose contributions of both material and discussion have proved invaluable.

The Ongar Hundred Workhouse was built in 1830. The architect is not known.
After 1834 the building was extended to serve more fully the needs of the
Ongar Union. It was altered again in the 1920s, essentially to its present
form.

Originally, the two wings of the workhouse appear to have housed two
dormitories. The governor’s rooms occupied the centre of the workhouse. His
authority was “assisted by a canted semi-hub”. Hence, the layout of the Ongar
Union Workhouse allowed the governor some visibility over the associated
building and yards. However, this visibility did not extend to that permitted
by the more elaborate, hexagonal designs of some of the later workhouses.

Following the lead given by the county of Nottinghamshire, the poor-law
inspectors of Chipping Ongar demonstrated both foresight and initiative in
building a workhouse in advance of expected legislation. The Ongar Hundred
was an incorporation of ten local parishes, which had been formed under
Gilbert’s Act of 1782. The act had encouraged neighbouring parishes to
combine for the administration of the poor-law and to set up workhouses
under appointed inspectors. A quotation from the act indicates its intention:

“It is not the object of this Plan to have many Persons capable of Labour
kept in the Work-houses; it is rather wished to have them placed or hired
out to such Employments as they are most capable of, and if they cannot
earn their whole Subsistence, the Deficiency to be made up out of the
County Fund.”

The Poor-Law Amendment Act of 1834 took away the responsibility of parishes
for the poor and instead invested that responsibility with Boards of
Guardians. The guardians, now locally elected, oversaw the operation of
these new Poor Laws. George Cuttle has provided a very detailed description
of the responsibilities of these guardians and their activities within a
number of Essex unions including that of Chipping Ongar. Much of the basis
of his book has come from a meticulously assembled collection of press
cuttings now housed in the Essex Record Office. These cuttings provide a
fascinating insight into the operation of care for the Chipping Ongar poor.

The recorded deliberations of the Ongar Board were various. Certain topics
occurred frequently: the recurrent outbreak of diphtheria; the purity of the
water in the local brooks; persistent transgressions by the itinerant
peapickers employed locally and the gipsies in Lambourne; administration of
the contracting for provisions and services for the workhouse. The cuttings
originate from the turn of the previous century, of course an era
contemporary with the development of the motorcar and mass communications.
The board’s deliberations are usually revealing, often serious, sometimes
tragic, but they can be occasionally funny when viewed from a distance,
separated in time.

Echoing the performance measures of the present day, statistics were
regularly collected on admissions. The board discussed these figures. From
the sample below, it may be concluded that Chipping Ongar was ‘average’, a
middle-of-the-table workhouse, but the level of ‘pauperism’ was still
noteworthy.

“Figures about paupers: Capt. Hervey, the L. G. B.
Inspector, attended and made a statement concerning the pauperisms of the
district. Ongar stood 5^th in Essex, and 26^th out of
the 54 Unions in the Eastern Counties. Their percentage was 3.9, as
against 1.8 Rochford. In 1885 the population was 458 paupers, a percentage
of 4.3. In 1906 the population was 9,829 and the number of paupers was
402, a percentage of four on the population. In 1905, there were 386
paupers so that there was a slight increase between 1905 and 1906.”

Considerable friction existed between peapickers and the local community,
but time was given to their needs in council meetings. Contaminated drinking
water was a concern.

“Mr R Waltham, who is a large farmer and pea grower at Stanford Rivers,
made a serious accusation against other peagrowers at the Ongar Rural
District Council. He stated that some cases of peapickers were treated
like wild animals, and had to sleep on the ground, and had to drink impure
water. This accusation has been levelled before. The Rector of
Doddinghurst (the Rev. F. A. Adams) once informed a Chronicle writer that
he had seen peapickers compelled to drink water from tubs in which both
their persons and clothes were washed. . . .”

The above press cutting led to some discussion in the meeting of the
guardians. This discussion suggests that tasks were set to positively deter
vagrants from seeking respite in the workhouse.

“Stonebreaking ‘A Disgrace’ – The master
[Mr. John Underwood] reported that a casual inmate who had refused to
complete his task had been taken before the justices and sent for 14 day’s
hard labour. The man broke 2 cwt. of stones in three hours and then
refused to do the remaining two, saying he had done enough. – Mr Browne:
I should think so, too. I tried stone-breaking the last time I was at the
House, and I could do nothing with it at all, notwithstanding that I have
done smithwork for years. Yet you ask a man who goes into the ward, and
knows nothing about it, to do 4 cwt. In nine cases out of ten it is
absolute inability, which prevents him from doing it. – In answer to
Mr. Browne, the Master said he thought the man had been sent to Springfield
Prison. – Mr Waltham: The system all over the country which is reducing
the number of vagrants is to keep men for two days and make them break
12 cwt. – Mr Browne: It is a greater disgrace, then . . . .”

The board sometimes took a wider view. In any case, who really wants to
drink beer with arsenic in it?

“All Vote for Pure Beer – The Local Government Board
circular letter on the subject of arsenic in beer was read. – The Chairman
[Mr. Lawrence Marriage, Q.C.] We all vote in favour of pure beer. – It was
resolved that Colonel Lockwood, M.P., should be asked to support the Bill
in Parliament. . . .”

The health of the warden appeared to cut little ice with the board, and the
doctor’s suggestion of a voyage as part of the recuperation for the warden
is ridiculed.

“Sea Trip or Sea Salt. – The Chairman
[Mr. Lawrence Marriage, QC] read the following note from the doctor’s
book: – ‘The Master is now convalescent, and I am of the opinion that if
he had a short sea trip it would be of permanent benefit to his system’ –
The Chairman: I should like to have one very much indeed.
[Laughter.] It would suit my nerves very well. – The Rev. John Howard:
Tidman’s sea salt would do for him. He’s all right.”

Then there were the recurring operational difficulties that arose. The
discussion at the meeting below extends to issues related to competitive
tendering. Despite the assumption of a less pressured lifestyle a century
ago, the Master was able apparently to buy bread and leave a telegram at
Chipping Ongar late in the evening.

“The Master [Mr. John Underwood] reported that on Feb. 18^th
Mr. Stannard, of Brentwood, the contractor, failed to deliver bread at the
Union-house. At nine o’clock at night he (the Master) had to get a trap
and drive to Ongar, where he bought bread, and left a telegram to be sent
to Mr. Stannard. No answer was received, and no bread was delivered until
Saturday, when the Master received a wire from Mr. Delarue, of Pilgrim’s
Hatch. Mr. Delarue subsequently brought bread to the house . . . .”
With reasoned apologies from Mr Delarue, the contract was continued until
the end of the term.

There are recorded the tragic events also. The case of a five-year-old boy
from Stanford Rivers weighing just 23 lbs, clearly malnourished, was
investigated by both the police and the NSPCC. Remedial action taken was to
commit mother and father to hard labour, three months and six months
respectively! A 46-year-old man with a disability which prevented him from
undertaking regular work was found dead on a footpath in Stapleford Tawney
because of “exposure and want of food”. These are not isolated cases in the
Ongar Union. In its entirety, the work of George Cuttle and the press
cuttings provide a closely observed and valuable commentary on the operation
of the Ongar Union Workhouse and its Board of Guardians. More importantly
they illuminate, pointedly and concisely, some of the living conditions of a
rural region of one hundred years ago.

Although almost in Greensted, the Drill House pub served its customers in the parish of Stanford Rivers. The Drill ceased to be a pub about seven years ago. Although now a private house, a Victorian letterbox continued to be situated in the wall of the building until 2010’s.
The letterbox is a Victorian Wall Box and dates from the period 1881 to 1904.

The letter opening is carefully guarded with a hood to prevent the rain entering. The box used to carry the name Repentance, but the plate bearing this has been replaced in recent years by a more impersonal, general identification.

There used to be a similar box in the Easters. Are there any other Victorian letterboxes still in use in the High Country?

Are there earty any other letterboxes in existence, and in use, within the district?

The Living Landscape has been written by members of the Essex Gardens Trust Research Group. It represents a notable achievement.

The volume contains ten research papers. The subject of each paper has been carefully chosen so that the volume forms a coherent and comprehensive review of the historical evidence and the utility of animals in park and garden landscapes. The papers often give fascinating insight into the management of animals for both consumption and pleasure. Seven papers relate directly to animals; fish and fishponds; rabbits and warrens; dovecotes; honey bees; cattle; horses and stabling; aviaries and menageries. Two papers examine specific aspects of particular estates; the evolution of Braxted Park from a medieval deer park into a landscape park and an investigation of the typography of the Thorndon Hall estate to understand the accommodation of diverse groups of animals (including a menagerie). A further paper records those references to Essex deer parks in court rolls, drawing on a wider, national exercise. Wherever possible the focus is towards Essex parks and gardens. Some illustrations from the papers may help to demonstrate the special relevance and wide scope of the work.

Honey bees? Essex has a long tradition of bee-keeping, well documented even in the Domesday Survey of 1086. The unit of management of the honey bee was the ‘skep’. A traditional skep is a closed basket constructed from coiled rope. Larger colonies with several skeps would be accommodated in bee-houses. These were usually wooden garden structures, becoming increasingly elaborate and decorative with some designs incorporating glass windows to enable viewing of the bees. The protection of bees in adverse conditions is necessary, often effected by some suitable wooden construction but sometimes utilising a bee bole, a brick or stone alcove in a wall sufficient to take a skep. Much interest has been shown in surviving bee boles and a national register for them has been compiled. Fourteen, out of 23 early surviving structures, related to bees in Essex, are listed and described in The Living Landscape, but just one of these is a possible bee house, the remainder being boles. It is hinted that discoveries of such boles are still to be made, but it must be anticipated that these, like many of those listed, are privately owned.

Consider the prominent ‘fishponds’ at Leez Priory. Fishponds are stated to require four general design features; a ready supply of fresh, aerated water; means to provide effective, independent sluice control of the pond levels to circumvent flooding; means to drain a pond for maintenance of both pools and fish stocks; provision of varied habitats within the pools for the needs of breeding fish etc.. Although now silted, the 12 ponds at the priory still form a visible chain along the course of the River Ter to the north of the priory. Were the ponds really fishponds associated with the monastery?

Although there are examples of such chains in other monastic fishponds, none approach the extent of that at Leez Priory. However, the priory was not wealthy and it is unlikely that such an expensive chain was affordable, and in any case the complex would have been too productive for the needs of the monastery. Furthermore, the situation of the ponds does not demonstrate that they could have been independently drained and managed. An alternative purpose for the chain of ponds must be sought and some documentary evidence suggests that it might have been a landscape feature associated with the enhancement of the estate by Sir Richard Rich, who was granted the priory in 1536. (This departs from the conclusion of one earlier commentator that the ponds were prehistoric!)

There are many results throughout the volume that are the product of diligent, thorough research. For the deer park seeker, the study of references to deer parks in the Calendars of Letters Patent and Charter Rolls has generated seven ‘new’ Essex parks, candidates for further investigation, to add to around the 160 already listed. For a further eight parks an earlier date is discovered which predates the anticipated date of imparkment already suggested.

The agricultural revolution and the increasing importance of profitable agriculture meant that cattle gradually replaced deer in the park. This change is explored by close examination of both textual sources and paintings. Repton is often found commenting on the attractive dynamic introduced into the parkland scene through the movement of the cattle. Furthermore, Repton was aware that the use of smaller breeds of cattle, for example Alderney cattle, could enhance the illusion of the extent of the park. In 1837 Hillyard in a book, Practical Farming and Grazing, wishing to maximise the decorative effect, promotes the use of the breed because of their ‘generally gay colour, red and white’.

A further example of an intriguing list records historical references to warrens and warreners that occur in documents in the Essex Record Office. Although the warren might support game as well as rabbits, in the majority of these entries rabbits are specifically noted. The records are listed against parish and seventy parishes are included, sometimes with more than one warren or warrener. The earliest Essex warrens are attributed to the Bishop of London in 1241 in the parishes of Clacton and Horsey Island. Most entries are late-sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, reflecting the transition from the noble ownership of a warren to the later widespread and commercial success of the rabbit.

These scattered extracts from The Living Landscape can only hint at the well-planned, scholarly and readable volume that is the result. The volume contributes much to our awareness of the garden and park landscape in Essex. The common theme linking the papers, of course, is the influence of animals on the landscape and in this respect the organization of the volume ensures that the ground is well covered. The opportunity for the interested reader to add to the understanding and interpretation of the subject is invited by the work. Tight editorial control and production has ensured that the research carried out by the contributors is presented in the best possible manner. All involved should be congratulated on their achievement.

A must buy and at a bargain price!

Preparation

The first post-war Toothill Show took place on 31 July 1954. Early intentions of the show can be found recorded in the minutes of the meeting of the Flower Show Sub-Committee, Toothill Parish Room Committee held on 11 August 1953 at Cumley Road. The chairman of the meeting was Mr W. R. Holt, with Mssrs. Wood, Tucker and Murray also present. This sub-committee made a number of recommendations, the first of which was,

“1.That the proposed show be under the name of :-

The Toothill & District Flower and Vegetable Show.”

The show would either be open to the parishes of Stanford Rivers, Greensted, Stapleford Tawney & Theydon Mount as far as the Fiddlers Hamlet or would be open to residents just within a five mile radius. The most suitable site was judged to be the Football Field, and Mr Millbank was to be approached; failing that a field at Freeman’s Farm was thought to be appropriate. Sports, “which should not be of too serious a nature”, and sideshows should be organised. Initial finance for the running of the show was to be raised from whist drives, donations and raffles.

Five additional members were to be co-opted onto the committee and Mssrs Fordham, Chesneau, King, Gladwell, Staines and Mayne were suggested nominations. Mr T. Cooper-Keeble was to be approached as secretary. The WI were to be “asked to cooperate with the women’s section.”

Mssrs. Fordham and Staines joined the next meeting, held on 26 August. Mr Holt took the chair. Both Mr King and Mr Cooper-Keeble had refused their invitations. The position of secretary was offered to Mr Banks of Fairview. It was confirmed that the show would be sited on the Football Field and a local darts tournament was to be organised to raise funds. Preparations continued through a succession of frequent, regular meetings with attendance for periods by Messrs Holt (chairman), Banks, Chambers, Fordham, Gladwell, Green, Licence, Mills, Spearman, Tucker, Warren, Wood. Mr Murray had formally resigned possibly because of his position on the room committee. The fundraising continued through the sale of football tickets, raising approximately £l per week, darts tournaments, and whist drives, bringing in about £3 per session.

Presidents and Vice-Presidents

At the meeting on 10 November, it was resolved to ask Mr Jack Millbank to become the President of the Show, maybe rewarding his generosity in making the field available. Numerous Vice-Presidents were to be invited (see Annex A).

Schedule of Exhibits

By 15 December, a schedule of exhibits had been prepared. Quite similar in character to the schedule of the present show, there were some small differences; two classes for apples and one for kidney potatoes are not included now and there is also no room today for a dish of cooked potatoes, then maybe a remnant of wartime catering: handwriting for a boy or girl is omitted today to be replaced by artwork on a computer; there is no place for children’s knitting in 2006. An account of three pages, painstakingly detailing the variable purchase tax, itemised the toys bought for prizes in the children’s classes.

A quotation for the printing of 500 copies of the schedule for £5.2s.6d had been received from Clarke and Co of Chelmsford. This was considered too expensive and it was resolved to produce “a single sheet handbill” in the same quantity for 25s. Income from advertising from local traders was expected to fill a second sheet.

Support and Sponsorship

The committee made overtures to various organisations for support and sponsorship. The initial request for a Banksian Medal from the Royal Horticultural Society was politely rebuffed since at that time Toothill was not affiliated to the Society. Woman’s Own offered a bronze medal as an award for cooking, a diploma for well-specified handicrafts, and a diploma for outstanding exhibits.

The full weight of the financial implications of the show started to absorb the committee. Piggott Brothers & Co. Limited, then operating from their head office at 220-226, Bishopsgate, had quoted for a marquee, £24.10s.0d for one of 60ft x 30ft, and a length of 210ft of tables at £10.0s.0d. Piggott Brothers were then requested to reduce their total quote down to a more affordable £20. They did!

The Royal Insurance Company Limited sent to E. W. Banks, now a busy secretary, the completed insurance documents. The premium for the day of the show was £1.0s.0d, but reduced to just 17s after deduction of the 15% commission. However, the limit of the indemnity was just £2,500. Watney Combe Reid and Co. Limited donated £2.2s.0d and Ind Coope and Allsopp Limited agreed to the delivery of a ‘Home Pack’ of Double Diamond, containing twelve half pints of ‘Double Diamond’ bottled beer – heady days indeed! Not all initiatives and requests were rewarded. London Transport could not arrange for advertising in buses except under commercial conditions. The brewers Taylor Walker & Co Limited regretted that they could not be added to the “donation list”. Essex County Constabulary declined to demonstrate Road Safety since they already had a standing commitment at Dovercourt on the day. Toothill WI declined the opportunity to provide tea “as it would not be possible to do this work to the satisfaction of all concerned”. However, led by Mrs Edgeley, “the ladies of Stanford Rivers” promised “to take charge of the activity”. The Stanford Rivers Hut Committee pledged the loan of about 70 cups and saucers, to which the Toothill Hut Committee added forty cups. Since breakages had to be paid for, the secretary, realising the full weight of this responsibility, was instructed to purchase 300 paper cups

Support outside of the committee may have been lukewarm. On 17 June a general meeting, open to the public, was attended by only four persons but all four volunteered to help on the day.

At the meeting of 5 July, stewarding duties were set down. These included the duties for both show, being the gate and car park responsibilities, and side-shows, housey-housey, roulette, roll-a-penny, coconuts (3 balls for 6d, 7 for Is – the traditional discount for quantity in force), a slide, bowling-for-a-pig, pony rides, catering, sports, organised by Mrs Roberts, tent arrangements and raffle. Leytonstone boy scouts would also be available! The services of the St John’s Ambulance Brigade were obtained. ‘Women’s Own’, ‘Amateur Gardening’ and ‘The Smallholder’ sent awards for disply on the winning exhibits. London Transport Executive confirmed the arrangements for an additional bus from Epping mid-afternoon in a letter dated the day before the show!

The Show

Unfavourable weather conditions in the previous Spring had made gardening “a difficult pastime”. However, the show day was reported to be fine and there were 330 exhibits spread over 69 classes. Four more classes were added at the time of judging to cope with the large number of handicraft exhibits. The major prize-winners were:

The Special Trophy was presented by Mr A. B. C. Licence, now the President of the Show.

Twelve sports events were organised in great detail. Additional to the sprints for all ages were sack, wheelbarrow, three-legged, potato and obstacle races. In the light of the overall financial constraints, prize money seemed generous in running up to 10s to the victorious wheelbarrow team.

Aftermath

Audited accounts from the show make clear a loss of £24.11s.9d. but this was more than made up by donations from the president, vice-presidents and others. Additionally, whist drives, the football competition, rummage sale and darts competition contributed about £60. The result was an overall ‘profit’ of £72.17s10d.

Letters of thanks and congratulation arrived but the disposition of the ‘profit’ was disputed. On behalf of the Toothill Parish Room Committee, secretary Ronald Murray wrote to decline involvement in the organization of a future show. The ‘profit’ from the show was apparently accrued to this committee, who wished to be paid for the use of the hut and hut furniture, and for “undertaking to meet any losses incurred on the 1954 show”. This resulted in the Hut Committee retaining £60 to be returned to the show should it go ahead the following year. It was perhaps strange that no agreement seemed to have been in place before the accounts were finalised.

One cup and two saucers were lost, the loss to be compensated by a payment of 2s.

The show did take place the following year, on 30 July 1955. This time there were 562 exhibits, up from 330. This time the show lost just £4.3s.3d. Donations and fund raising reduced slightly, perhaps hinting at a greater confidence in the show, and other incidentals generated a further ££63.14s.6d – the show then held almost £120 in reserves. Shortly after the show, the committee set about developing a clear, local identity for what was expected to become an annual event. The result was the Toothill & District Horticultural Society, now affiliated to the Royal Horticultural Society, to continue the work in organizing the show.

Reflections

More than fifty years after this first Show, the sums of money involved seem unavoidably quaint. Obtaining third party insurance for the day for less than one pound seems incredible even for that time.

There are small insights in the organization of the show that throw light on the structure of an earlier community. The number of vice-presidents, many of whom farmed in the district, suggests a closer involvement of the local ‘interests’ than today. With the reduction in the number of farms, and the use of contractors, the base of a farming community has shrunk. However, the show, although generally larger in all respects now, still broadly reflects the intentions of that first show.

In looking through the minutes and other records of the show organization, it is clear that considerable care was taken in meetings to record the business of the committee. Meetings are held frequently and minutes are clear and concise. Great care was taken in the financial accounting and the final accounts were audited. This painstaking approach ensured that the Toothill Show had arrived.

Annex A – Proposed Vice-Presidents

At the meting of 10 November, the list of proposed Vice Presidents included: Sir Drummond Spencer Smith*, Col Kinsman*, Mr John Pledge*, Mr Payne, Mr Wallis, Mr Tom Kerr*, Mr Grant*, Mr Cameron, Mr Pearl*, Mr Mills, Rev J. E. Ward*, Dr Tugendhat*, Mr Hinman*, Mr and Mrs Auchinvole+, Mrs Millbank* (who was willing to accept and to contribute one guinea ⁸), Mr and Mrs Leake, and Mr and Mrs Chandler*, of High Warren.

At the meeting one month later, Jack Millbank* had declined the position, but had agreed to become a Vice-President, and Col Kinsman was invited to replace him. Additional Vice-Presidents were suggested including Mr P. East”, Miss J. Price, J. Freeland*, Mr J. Green”, Capt T. Spencer Smith, Mr Ireland, Mr Macaulay*, Mr Neville Browning, Mr Ernest Fowler* and Mr Bentley. Mr W. Green* and Mr J. Kerr* appear to have been added. The total number of names in this list is around thirty. The show was intended to be inclusive! According to a preserved list, those who had accepted by about March 1954 are shown with an asterisk.

Subsequently Col Kinsman wrote to the committee to point out that his initials were wrongly stated on the schedule, and moreover the decorations for himself and Sir Drummond Smith had been omitted.

In 2006/07 Epping Forest Distnict Council invited the residents of the district to nominate their favourite trees. The best fifty, selected by an expert panel from the nominations, were to become the 50 Favorite Trees of the district. A variety of criteria were adopted for selection including trees that were large, historic, old or just umnusual, bur the result is a collection of fifty magnificent trees

New photographs of the fifty favouries were taken and eacb one became the subject of a ‘poster’, information having been added about the tree. The fifty “posters’ then formed an exhibition at the Epping Forest Distriet Museum, Waltham Abbey, held from 3” Noveniber 2007 to 8° January 2008.

Space has not permitted the display of all fifty posters in Ongar but a smaller exhibition of ‘posters’ of those trees that are local to Ongar, is to be mounted at the Great Stony Arts & Education Centre from Sattunrdey 16° February, until Monday, 25″ Febraary.

Please take the opportunity to visit the exhibition. Parking at Great Stony and entry to the exhibition is expected to be free. The launch off the exhibition will coincide with the publication of the Orge Tree Strategy.

There is an old Hotel/Pub in Marble Arch, London, which used to have a gallows adjacent to it. Prisoners were taken to the gallows (after a fair trial of course) to be hanged. The horse-drawn dray, carting the prisoner, was accompanied by an armed guard that would stop the dray outside the pub and ask the prisoner if he would like one last drink. If he said yes, it was referred to as one for the road. If he declined, that prisoner was on the wagon.

Urine was used to tan animal skins, so families used to all pee in a pot and then it was taken once a day to be sold to the tannery. If you had to do this to survive you were piss poor but worse were the really poor folk, who couldn’t even afford to buy a pot; they didn’t have a pot to piss in and were the lowest of the low.

Most people got married in June, because they took their yearly bath in May; they still smelled pretty good by June. However, since they were starting to smell, brides carried a bouquet of flowers to hide the body odour; hence the custom today of carrying a bouquet when getting married.

Baths consisted of a big tub filled with hot water. The man of the house had the privilege of the nice clean water, then all the other sons and men, then the women and finally the children. Last of all came the babies. By then the water was so dirty you could actually lose someone in it: hence the saying, don’t throw the baby out with the bath water!

Houses had thatched roofs, thick straw piled high, with no wood underneath. It was the only place for animals to keep warm, so all the cats and other small animals (mice, bugs etc.) lived in the roof. When it rained it became slippery and sometimes the animals would slip and fall off the roof; hence the saying it’s raining cats and dogs.

There was nothing to stop things from falling into the house. This posed a real problem in the bedroom, where bugs and other droppings could soil your nice clean bed. Hence, a bed with big posts and a sheet hung over the top afforded some protection, and canopy beds came into existence.

Usually, the floor was dirt. Only the wealthy had something other than dirt. Hence the saying dirt poor arose. The wealthy had slate floors that would get slippery in the winter when wet, so they spread thresh (straw) on floor to help keep their footing. As the winter wore on they added more thresh until, when you opened the door, it would all start slipping outside. A piece of wood was placed in the entrance way, and it became known as a thresh-hold.

In those old days, cooking was carried out in the kitchen with a big kettle that always hung over the fire. Every day they lit the fire and added things to the pot. They ate mostly vegetables and did not get much meat. They would eat the stew for dinner, leaving leftovers in the pot to get cold overnight. This would be repeated the next day. Sometimes stew had food in it that had been there for quite a while; hence the rhyme peas porridge hot, peas porridge cold, peas porridge in the pot, nine days old.

Sometimes pork could be obtained, which made households feel quite special. When visitors came over they would hang up their bacon, in order to show off. It was a sign of wealth that a man could bring home the bacon. A little would be cut off to share with guests and all would sit around talking and chewing the fat.

Those with money had plates made of pewter. Food with high acid content caused some of the lead to leach onto the food, causing lead poisoning and eventual death. This happened most often with tomatoes, so for the next 400 years or so tomatoes were considered poisonous. Bread was divided according to status. Workers got the burnt bottom of the loaf, the family got the middle, and guests got the top, or the upper crust.

Lead cups were used to drink ale or whisky. The combination would sometimes knock imbibers out for a couple of days. Someone walking along the road would discover a body and take it for dead and prepare for a burial. Laid out on the kitchen table for a couple of days, the family would gather around and eat and drink, and wait and see if the body would wake up; hence the custom of holding a wake.

England is old and small and the local folks started running out of places to bury people, so they would dig up coffins and would take the bones to a bone-house and reuse the grave. When reopening these coffins, 1 out of 25 coffins were found to have scratch marks on the inside and it was realised they had been burying people alive. So they would tie a string on the wrist of the corpse, thread it through the coffin and up through the ground and tie it to a bell. Someone would have to sit in the graveyard all night (the graveyard shift) to listen for the bell; thus someone could be saved by the bell or he was considered a dead ringer.

Isaac Taylor (1787-1865) was a member of the celebrated local family known as the Taylors of Ongar. His first name was not unique within the family but the Isaac, the subject of this article, is generally referred to as Isaac Taylor of Stanford Rivers. Isaac Taylor (1787-1865) was a member of the celebrated local family known as the Taylors of Ongar. His first name was not unique within the family but the Isaac, the subject of this article, is generally referred to as Isaac Taylor of Stanford Rivers.
The Eclectic Review was published between 1805 and 1868. It was “clearly aimed at the highly literate and thoughtful reader” but it was “anything but elitist about the audience it sought”. The founders deliberately set a low price so that many classes of people could purchase the journal. For a period, Isaac was on the staff of the journal. The following is his obituary taken from The Eclectic Review of July 1865.

“On Wednesday 1st, after many weeks of great suffering, borne with Christian resignation, the author of Natural History of Enthusiasm closed a long career of usefulness at the advanced age of 77.

Originally trained as an artist, Isaac Taylor at an early age abandoned his profession for that literary career in which so many members of his family had attained distinction. His father, the Rev Isaac Taylor, or Ongar; his uncle Charles Taylor, the learned editor of Calmet; his sisters, Ann and Jane Taylor, the joint authors of Original Poems and Hymns for Infant Minds; his mother, Ann Taylor, and his brother, Jefferys Taylor, have all written works which have attained a wide popularity.

In 1818 Mr Isaac Taylor first became a contributor to the Eclectic Review, in conjunction with Robert Hall, John Foster and Josiah Conder. His first independent literary venture was a small volume entitled Elements of Thought, published in 1822. This was succeeded by a translation of the Characters of Theorphrastus, with clever original illustrations, etched by the author; by the History of the Transmission of Ancient Books to Modern Times, the Process of Historical Proof, the Memoirs and Correspondence of Jane Taylor, and by a new translation of Herodotus. None of these early literary ventures had achieved any very eminent success. Mr Taylor at last discovered the true vein in which his genius lay. In 1829 the Natural History of Enthusiasm was published anonymously. Coming out at a time of great political and religious ferment, and offering a philosophy of the problems of the day, the book was received with extraordinary fervour by the public, and rapidly ran through eight or nine editions. With the object of giving continuity to the philosophical and religious theories which he has advanced in the History of Enthusiasm, Mr Taylor in the course of the next seven years published that series of works on which his fame must rest, Fanaticism, Spiritual Despotism, Saturday Evening, and the Physical Theory of Another Life, works which have all had and continue to command and extensive sale.

The publication of the last of these works led to the reluctant surrender of the author’s incognito. The unknown writer received an urgent request from the late Dr Chalmers to stand for the chair of Logic in the University of Edinburgh in opposition to the late Sir William Hamilton, who was elected by a small majority.

In 1838 Mr Taylor gave to the world the thoughts which had suggested themselves while a large family was growing up around him in his country seclusion at Stanford Rivers. This work, Home Education, has had an extensive popularity, and has induced many parents to endeavour to promote the enjoyments of children — to educate rather than to instruct.

In the following year Mr Taylor was induced to take part with the Rev Robert Traill in bringing out a new translation of Josephus. This costly and magnificent work was accompanied with numerous illustrations engraved by some most ingenious and elaborate machinery, the invention of which had been the amusement of Mr Taylor’s leisure hours. The inopportune death of Dr Traill at the eve of the publication of this work brought upon Mr Taylor ruinous pecuniary responsibilities, from which for many years he was unable to extricate himself. The engraving machine was patented in England, Scotland and America, and, though, productive of small benefit to the inventor, has realised large returns in the hands of others.

About this period the Tracts for the Times were creating an unexampled excitement in the religious world. Mr Taylor had long made himself familiar with the whole range of patristic literature; he felt that the writers of the Tracts were giving an essentially perverted view of the tendencies, doctrinal and ritual, of the early Church. As a layman, standing clear of any secular embarrassments of an ecclesiastical kind, Mr Taylor felt himself impelled to come forward and state the results to which his independent and unbiased study of the Fathers had led him. This he did in a work entitled Ancient Christianity, a work which was virulently attacked, and as warmly defended, by the respective partisans in the great controversy which was then shaking the English Church. Some of the leaders of the succession which ensued have acknowledged that the facts and reasonings of this work did more than anything else to drive them over to Rome.

After an interval of seven years, Mr Taylor published essays, partly philosophical, partly historical, on the lives of Loyola and Wesley. Shortly afterwards a volume on the Christian argument was published anonymously at Cambridge, entitled the Restoration of Belief. Two volumes of essays — Logic and Theology, and Ultimate Civilisation — a series of lectures, originally delivered in Edinburgh, on The Spirit of Hebrew Poetry, and a series of autobiographical papers published in the last year in Good Words were the last occupations of his declining years. To the end his mind retained all its power. He leaves, we believe, a large family.

A work by his eldest son, the Rev Isaac Taylor, entitled Words and Places, we recently had occasion to notice very favourably in these columns.”

Isaac Taylor is buried with his wife, Elizabeth Medland, in the churchyard of St Margaret’s, Stanford Rivers. A memorial plaque to him is situated on the north wall of the chancel. In a future note Isaac Taylor of Stanford Rivers will be revisited.

Old Bailey Proceedings from 1674 to 1913 can now be accessed on-line. The proceedings of criminal trials between November 1834 and April 1913 have recently been added to provide a total of 197,745 trials. The proceedings are fully and easily searchable. They provide a rich source not only for any investigation of the justice system of the period but also for tales of local villainy, wrongdoers and just troublemakers. Trials related to a particular locality can often provide details incidentally about local inhabitants, either in their role as witnesses or from the other side of the dock as the accused.

Also included in these proceedings are the Ordinary® of Newgate’s Accounts from the period between 1690 and 1772. These detailed narratives of the lives and deaths of convicts executed at Tyburn are linked to the relevant trials. So where does Chipping Ongar appear?

Robert Glascow was one of those subjects who unfortunately needed to receive the ordinary’s attention, being one of Ongar’s infamous sons. The twenty-eight years of Robert’s life are dispassionately described. He was born in Ongar into the family of a butcher of “good circumstances”. In conflict with his father, it was found to be “a difficult task to correct the Malignity of his Spirit”, and he was sent to work for another butcher where it was hoped new surroundings would provide some cure. This did little to improve Robert’s attitude; frequent complaints were delivered back to the father. On completion of his time with the butcher, Robert was set up by his father in a butchery, “a handsome Beginning” comments the ordinary. The opportunity to prosper from such a fortunate start was squandered through, and it is described more exactly in the account, the “Company of lewd Women”.

When he had dissipated the fruits of his comfortable introduction to the trade, Robert fell into crime, in the first instance robbing a stagecoach. The robbery necessitated some violence against a gentleman who attempted to draw his sword. The robbery aroused local consternation and Robert took to the country until the “Noise in the Neighbourhood” had quietened. In the country he seemed to exist through rustling of lambs and sheep, which he sold in local villages. When he felt safe enough he returned to London and was employed in London markets but this existence, apparently lawful, did not last long.

With three accomplices, and after some planning, a mercer was waylaid and robbed of a quantity of expensive cloth. Beginning now to fear for his eventual fate should he continue in his lawless way of life, he joined a guard-ship7 but after falling out with the rest of the crew, he was forced to join a second ship. On both, he was severally disciplined, eventually his conduct justifying his transfer to the Invincible, a man-of-war, where presumably the discipline might have been cnsiderably tougher. His behaviour appeared to improve, but he left the ship at Portsmouth some months before his trial.

He had not fully forsaken wrongdoing and the final act in his criminal career was to rob a Mr Weeden and his wife of a ring, a pair of silver shoe buckles, a nice silver tobacco stopper, which included a corkscrew, and money on 22 May 1751. Weeden advertised the robbery with a description of the thief. Perhaps remarkably, within days Weeden was led to a two-penny lodging house near to Whitechapel church. Robert Glascow was identified in the vicinity but after some questioning he panicked and ran away only to be caught by someone who luckily turned out to be a headborough or peace officer *.

The trial of Robert Glascow was straightforward. Why did he run? What was he doing on the day of the robbery? In answer to the latter his alibi was provided by a Mary Phillips with whom he had tea on the day. Poor Mary’s defence was ill-considered and faltering since it was concluded in court that Mary had little knowledge of time and date. She was a poorly prepared witness and there was an inevitability in the guilty verdict. Robert Glascow was sentenced to death in court on 3 July 1751.

Between 8 am and 9 am on 29 July, Robert Glascow was taken by cart from Newgate Prison to the place of execution. He was one of a group of eight prisoners carried in three carts. The usual crowds, “great Numbers of Spectators”, turned out to watch the convoy. The prisoners, it was noted, “all behaved as became their circumstances”. Hanged together, they were cut down in rotation thus preventing “a good deal of Hurry and Disturbance”.

The trials often illustrate harsh sentences but Mary Thomas appears to have been fortunate. John Hailstone lived at Chipping Ongar. He was an hostler or stableman usually attached to an inn. On 26 September 1820, he believed that he met Mary Thomas at a house in Whitechapel. Suddenly, she left the room (and please do not ask what he was up to at the time), leaving John Hailstone missing 14 shillings, a considerable sum of money then.” An officer was summoned and Mary was held in Rose Lane, at which time she attempted to pass 3s. 6d. to her sister, dropping it on the ground. Some more money was found on her, but the full 14s. was not to be recovered. Mary claimed that she was not the person anyway. The jury acquitted her on 28 October. She might have been lucky!

In contrast, Charles Hodges was indicted for stealing 11b. (0.45Kg) of butter. On 11 April 1826, William Woolmer, a carman or carter from Stanford Rivers, was delivering 8lbs. of butter to a gentleman’s house. In Sun-street, William, while stabling his horse, was told that his cart was being robbed and 11b. was found to be missing. A Mrs White saw the prisoner put the butter under his arm and into his pocket, and notified Henry Casborn, who gave chase. The prisoner was caught after two hundred yards or so and the parts of the butter were found. Charles Hodges was found guilty and was sentenced to transportation for seven years. He was just fourteen.

Cornelius Osborne Dodd farmed land in Chipping Ongar. On 1 January 1810, he was returning from London in a gig with his wife. On the way through Epping Forest, Joseph and James Pearce were seen behind the Eagle in Snaresbrook on the road that leads to Woodford and Chigwell. Joseph approached, took hold of the horse’s head and halted the gig. “Your life or your money”; said Joseph, and promptly fired a pistol. A second pistol appeared and a further, and recognisably conventional, warning issued; “If you don’t deliver your money, I will blow your brains out”. Dodd protested that he had no money, but seeing a woman in the vicinity he called out. Somewhat alarmed, the Pearces told the Dodds to drive on, and again threatened them in much the same language. They drove on towards the woman, reported the incident to her and called the police. Mary, his wife, supported the testimony of Cornelius.

Joseph and James Pearce came from Stepney, living “Anywhere, nowhere, where you like”. Thomas Twinn gave evidence on the proximity of the Pearces to the incident at the time. Two policemen handled the arrest of Joseph and James Pearce on 4 January. At the time of the arrest, Joseph was found to be carrying a life-preserver, or cosh, together with a pawnbroker’s ticket dated 2 January for one of a pair of pistols. He was caught with a gunpowder flask, percussion caps and six pistol bullets as well. Harold Wingfield from Waterloo Terrace, Commercial Road, Stepney, provided evidence from the pawnbrokers.

Although, the first count on which they were charged was intent to murder, they were found guilty only on the third count of felonious assault with intent to rob. The likely punishments would probably have been known. What commenced as drunken recklessness, led by the older bother, was nevertheless extremely foolhardy. Joseph was transported for fifteen years, James for ten.

James Saville, and James and John Webster came before the Old Bailey on 27 November 1837, charged with stealing two pigs of value £6. The pigs belonged to Thomas Gray Fellows, who, too ill to appear in court, was represented by his brother Bennett. Bennett testified that although he had seen the pigs at his brother’s premises on 20 October, he had later seen them in Chipping Ongar; “I am sure they are the same that belonged to him.” The landlord of the Red Lion called a resident of Chipping Ongar, Thomas Reynolds, to the pub where James Saville attempted to sell the pigs to him. Suspicions were aroused, and the pigs were driven to the market in the White Horse yard where it was maintained that James Saville had acknowledged that the pigs had been stolen from Captain Fellows. In his hasty confession, he also tried to implicate his co-defendents. However, on trial, the Websters were found not guilty, unlike James Saville who, being of previously good character, was nevertheless ordered to be confined for six weeks, aided no doubt by being “Recommended to mercy by the Jury and Prosecutor”. He was 17 years old.

Ongar does not appear frequently, perhaps a compliment to the civil obedience of the populace. However wrongdoing was often punished severely, so much so that it is surprising that the sentencing appears to carry little deterrence with it. In the absence of regular policing. arrest and conviction must have been unexpected and maybe even arbitrary. Social conditions at the time make it difficult to form any conclusion from the perspective of today, especially through using just a small selection of cases. However, this huge source of information from the Old Bailey is able to provide some tantalising insights into social history.

Lieutenant Henry Millbank, from my wife’s family, fought at Trafalgar in 1805. At the time he was serving as Master’s Mate on board the Colossus. The Colossus was a new ship, launched at Deptford in 1803. With 74 guns, she was classed as a second-rate. Trafalgar was her first major engagement.

A master’s mate was an experienced seaman, often recruited from merchant service. The rank was the highest rank of non-commissioned officer, and midshipmen, who were kept waiting overlong for promotion to lieutenant, would often seek an interim appointment as master’s mate. Henry Millbank would have been responsible for the condition of the sails, rigging and anchors, and the stowing of the hold since this affected the trim of the Colossus.

At Trafalgar, Nelson’s strategy was to break the French line by sailing two columns of ships across the French line. The strategy involved huge risks until the French line had been broken. Colossus, under Captain J. N. Morris, was the sixth ship in the lee column.

At the point of victory, the Colossus had suffered greatly in the battle. She was almost totally incapacitated, with foremast shot through, mizenmast in the sea, and the mainmast close to a similar fate. With 40 crew dead and 160 injured, she suffered more casualties than any other British ship. Captain Morris, who had been shot through the leg, remained on duty until fainting from loss of blood.

Henry Millbank lived only three more years during which time he was promoted to lieutenant. His obituary reads:

“On the 18th of July last died, on board His Majesty’s ship Colossus, off Toulon, Lieutenant Millbank, eldest son of Mr. Henry Millbank of Feering in this county, deservedly lamented by the officers and crew after lingering in a very debilitated state of body for several months occasioned from the wounds he received in the ever-memorable battle of Trafalgar, in the above-named ship, in the 37th year of his age. Such was the zeal & courage displayed by Lieutenant Millbank in the glorious action of the 21st October, that though he received five severe wounds, he persisted in remaining upon deck till the engagement terminated, contributing in a very eminent degree, by his example & perseverance, towards the defeat of the enemies of his country. The date of the year 1808.”

His experiences of that day are impossible to fully appreciate or recreate now. His portrait, not very well executed, is in our house and his sword is believed still to be in the family. However, we intend to pursue Lieutenant Millbank through his service records.

It is a cold house and an old house. The walls are thin. The windows let in the draught. Solar panels are not cost effective, not yet anyway, and planning permission needs to be sought before installation. The exterior plasterwork should not be disturbed. But we could increase the thickness of the loft installation – one easy solution . . . but the loft needs to be cleared!

Clearing the loft of the spoils of a sentimental collection amassed over a lifetime is not entirely a joy. It can be dirty, hot work but it does bring into focus a nostalgic view of one’s passages through life; old school books, and yes the odd school prize; the football programmes long since forgotten; magazines commemorating some event rendered into obscurity; the newspaper published the day after 9/11; china from past generations; picture frames, sometimes with pictures in them; trunks, empty.

But there are “finds” as well. You knew that they were there, just could not place that cardboard box in which they had lived out their retirement. So amongst this haul we found an urn-shaped trophy, silver-plate but quite handsome. The engraved title inscription, with the accompanying list of winners reads:

PERPETUAL CHALLENGE CUP
PRESENTED BY
THE FOUR TEES GREENSTED
TO THE
ONGAR AND DISTRICT AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY
FOR THE WINNER OF
OPEN JUMPING EVENT

1949 H. Gabriel
1950 E. A. Appleby
1951 H. Gabriel
W. Chapman
1952 W. Chapman
1953 D. R. Smith Esq, “Paddy”
1954 H. Holmes Roma
1955 G. J. Banham
1956 Mrs R. Arnitage
1957 H. Holmes “Diana”
1958 R. Dale
1959 Miss M. Vidler
1960 Miss V. Clark

So who were the “Four Tees”? What was the “Open Jumping Event”? Can you offer any further details on the background to the trophy? Do you have a cup with a history that has been deserted in the loft?

Free Access to Online Information Services

Essex Libraries provide a very valuable service in the licensing of free Internet access to a number of information sources. All you require to access these services is a current library card to Essex Libraries and, of course, an Internet connection.

The procedure is as follows. Access “Essex Libraries” through Google or some other search engine. The home page for Essex Libraries lists all the various services that are provided. Click on “Free Access to Online Information Services”. The next screen will list the following sources:

Encyclopaedia Britannica
World Data Analyst
The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
X Refer Plus
Grove Dictionary of Art
Grove Dictionary of Music
EBSCO Magazines Online
Gale Magazines Online
Newspapers Online
Times Digital Archive (1785–1985)

Click on the relevant source to access. At some stage on accessing, you will be requested for your library card number adopted as a password. Then just follow the on-screen rules for each source.

Essex Libraries should be congratulated on this forward-looking initiative.

Sanders, Lizzie & Williamson, Gillian (editors), Littlebury; a parish history, (The History Group of the Parish of Littlebury Millenniun Society, 2005). 288 pp. £14.95

This local history includes Littlebury and the neighbouring hamlets of Littlebury Green and Catmere End, and parts of Audley End. It is a collection of around 95 illustrated short essays from contributors on historical topics within the parish, places, people and events. The essays, written by local contributors, follow a chronology spanning pre-history to the present. These are the bare bones

But this book is hugely more. The impact of the book is immediate, served as soon as the first pages are turned. The illustrations are plentiful, in colour whenever possible, and always chosen with purpose. Even white space has been used to give pages a breathing space, busy yet uncluttered. This is not a book to routinely source old postcards; instead the selection is always interesting and various; for example, from Monamy’s beautiful ‘First Eddystone Lighthouse’ and Henry Winstanley to the photo’ of a sliding sash window. Two columns are used throughout; subject text is contained within a main column, allowing notes and images to be added in a marginal column and the presentation is striking. The text is scholarly and well referenced, and the essays have been blended into an almost seamless whole. This is a book that measures well against the very best productions.

Still, this book is even more. It represents the spirit of the Littlebury. It is a magnificent witness to the efforts of numerous local people, archivists and historians. It is inappropriate to mention individuals, their efforts are clear, best just to repeat the book’s modest, unassuming opening words: “The book is the result of many people coming together, using their varying skills and dipping into their most precious possession – time.” If you ever buy a parish local history choose this one! [Rob Brooks]

Thursday, 6th September

The Ongar Millennium History Society has requested a repeat of the walk – “Stanford Rivers in 1840”

This was one of the inaugural High Country History Group walks, held twelve years ago. If you would like to join this short, historical ramble of about one mile, walkers will be meeting at 2:00pm on Thursday, 6th September, in the churchyard of St Margaret’s, the parish church of Stanford Rivers. The walk will be followed by a brief tour of the church.

Should you need even more encouragement, there will be a cream tea awaiting you at the church at the conclusion of the walk, at a cost of £5.00. Cream teas will be available from about 3:45pm should you just wish for tea.

Murder & Crime Essex by Martyn Lockwood

An in-depth look at many of the county’s worst crimes and criminals

This chilling collection of true stories brings together a number of murders and other horrible crimes that have taken place in Essex over the last 200 years; stories that shocked not only the county but made headline news throughout the country. Included are: the brutal murder of Police Sgt Eves at Purleigh in 1893; the murder of a Chief Constable; the Sible Hedingham witchcraft case, the tale of Sally Arsenic; the Rayleigh Bath Chair murder; the Harwich Death Club; the infamous Coggeshall gang; the Basildon Bungalow murder and the stories of body snatchers at work.

Illustrated with a wide range of contemporary photographs and archive ephemera drawn from the Essex Police Museum
A fascinating alternative social history of the county’s villainous past
Includes crimes from around the county, many of which have not been widely covered before

Copies can be obtained from the Author for £7.99 – a saving of £2 on the published price.